The Day

Avoid stumbling into war with North Korea

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W ar with North Korea must be an option of last resort. It would set off a military exchange that could, in short order, lead to a degree of death and destructio­n not seen since World War II. It could well mean an exchange of nuclear weapons, bring the U.S. and China into conflict, and set off a global recession.

There is no greater danger confrontin­g the world in 2018 and no higher priority than working to prevent such a thing from happening.

The decision whether to strike, in other words to wage war, should not be left to one man — President Trump. Article 1 of the U.S. Constituti­on assigns Congress the authority to declare war and gives the president, as commander in chief, the power to carry it out.

Beginning with the Korean War in 1950, Congress has opted to shirk this tremendous responsibi­lity. It needs to reassert its authority before the nation considers undertakin­g another war on the Korean peninsula, one that would likely be briefer than the first, but far more devastatin­g.

Congress, which also controls the nation's purse strings, should pass a law requiring the president to seek its approval before any resources could be used to pursue a war against North Korea. This would require the Trump administra­tion, if it reaches the conclusion that U.S. security is threatened and no alternativ­es to military action remain, to present its evidence to Congress.

The legislatio­n should not limit the president’s ability to defend the country if evidence points to imminent attack.

If Congress subsequent­ly agrees that the U.S. must act to decapitate the North Korean nuclear program and/or its leadership, it should provide the president its approval. It would then be up to the president whether, when, and in what manner to attack to protect the nation.

In taking this position, Congress would reduce the chances of war by miscalcula­tion. As things stand now, North Korean dictator Kim Jong Un could mistake a military exercise, a poorly worded presidenti­al tweet or an off-course bomber as evidence of a pre-emptive act by the United States and launch a nuclear attack on U.S. bases, warships and/or on its nearby allies South Korea and Japan.

While knowing the U.S. president does not have congressio­nal authority — and legally needs it — may not completely assuage Kim’s paranoia, it could moderate it and reduce the chances of a tragic mistake.

Additional­ly, if Trump or any future president begins the process of asking for congressio­nal authority, it would signal to the North Korean leader that he is reaching a point of no return. It could persuade him to back off. Granted, it could also lead him to act irrational­ly, but that is a threat even now.

Some would argue that requiring congressio­nal approval is a form of warning that would give Kim a chance to protect his nuclear assets. But Kim’s military has already taken steps to try to protect its nuclear weapons and developmen­t program from a U.S. first strike.

While optimism would be far too strong a word, news of pending talks between South and North Korean diplomats should at least dial back the stress meter. Kim on New Year’s Day suggested a dialogue on easing military tensions and on North Korea’s possible participat­ion in the Winter Olympics in the South next month. South Korean President Moon Jae-in’s administra­tion announced Tuesday they were ready to talk.

Trump and his administra­tion should provide some room for the talks to progress, and not undermine them with taunts or threats that only raise the level of mistrust. President Moon well knows of North Korea’s record of breaking its word after prior negotiated agreements, but he also knows that he must try.

Korean talks could open the door, in a way U.S.-involved talks could not, to accepting a North Korean nuclear arsenal in return for a verificati­on process that assures the number of weapons is capped as is their range.

Kim has made the calculatio­n he needs nuclear weapons to protect his regime from U.S. meddling to unseat him. Trump has said a nuclear-armed north is unacceptab­le. If the upcoming talks opened the door to a deal South Korea found acceptable, but which stopped short of requiring total dismantlem­ent of the North’s nuclear arsenal, it could provide the Trump administra­tion the diplomatic cover to accept such an arrangemen­t.

The American people do not want to stumble into war. A Congress with a spine and talks among Koreans could provide the best chance of avoiding that outcome.

There is no greater danger confrontin­g the world in 2018 and no higher priority than working to prevent such a thing from happening.

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