The Day

Rep. Elijah Cummings dies

- By JENNA PORTNOY

Maryland Rep. Elijah E. Cummings, a sharecropp­er’s son who rose to become a civil rights champion and the chairman of one of the U.S. House committees leading the impeachmen­t inquiry, died Thursday at 68.

Elijah Cummings, a Democratic congressma­n from Maryland who gained national attention for his principled stands on politicall­y charged issues in the House, his calming effect on anti-police riots in Baltimore, and his forceful opposition to the presidency of Donald Trump, died Oct. 17 at a hospice center in Baltimore. He was 68.

The cause was “complicati­ons concerning long-standing health challenges,” his office said in a statement. Cummings was chairman of the House Oversight and Reform Committee and a leading figure in the Trump impeachmen­t inquiry and had been out of his office for weeks while recovering from an unspecifie­d medical procedure.

Born to a family of Southern sharecropp­ers and Baptist preachers, Cummings grew up in the racially fractured Baltimore of the 1950s and 1960s. At 11, he helped integrate a local swimming pool while being attacked with bottles and rocks. “Perry Mason,” the popular TV series about a fictional defense lawyer, inspired him to enter the legal profession.

“Many young men in my neighborho­od were going to reform school,” he told the East Texas Review. “Though I didn’t completely know what reform school was, I knew that Perry Mason won a lot of cases. I also thought that these young men probably needed lawyers.”

In the Maryland House of Delegates, he became the youngest chairman of the Legislativ­e Black Caucus and the first African American to serve as speaker pro tempore, the member who presides in the speaker’s absence.

In 1996, he won the seat in the U.S. House of Representa­tives that Kweisi Mfume, a Democrat, vacated to become NAACP president. Cummings eventually served as chairman of the Congressio­nal Black Caucus and as ranking Democrat and then chairman of what became the House Oversight and Reform Committee.

He drew national attention as Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s chief defender during 2015 congressio­nal hearings into her handling of the attack three years earlier on U.S. government facilities in Benghazi, Libya. The attack killed U.S. Ambassador J. Christophe­r Stevens and three other Americans.

He was “the quintessen­tial speaking-truth-to-power representa­tive,” said Herbert Smith, a political science professor at McDaniel College in Westminste­r, Md. “Cummings has never shied from a very forceful give-and-take.”

Baltimore’s plight informed Cummings’s life and work on Capitol Hill, a connection exemplifie­d by his response to the death of 25-year-old Freddie Gray in April 2015 and the explosion of outrage that came after it.

Gray died of injuries suffered while riding, improperly secured, in a police van after he was arrested for carrying a knife, in his pocket, that police said was illegal. His death ignited rioting in Baltimore and elevated tensions nationally over perceived racism and excessive violence in law enforcemen­t. Speaking at the funeral, Cummings, who lived near where Gray was arrested, bemoaned the presence of media to chronicle Gray’s death without celebratin­g his life.

“Did you see him? Did you see him?” Cummings asked in his booming baritone. The church exploded with applause, and civil rights activist Jesse Jackson sat, rapt, behind him. “Did you see him?”

“I’ve often said, our children are the living messages we send to a future we will never see,” he said, his voice rising. “But now our children are sending us to a future they will never see! There’s something wrong with that picture!”

When looting began, hours after the funeral, Cummings rushed, bullhorn in hand, to a troubled West Baltimore neighborho­od, where he worked to restore order and to assure residents that authoritie­s were taking the case seriously. (Six officers would be charged in Gray’s death, although prosecutor­s failed to secure a conviction against any of them.)

Amid the unrest, he and a dozen other residents marched, arm in arm, through the streets, singing “This Little Light of Mine.”

Cummings was known for showing the same kind of commitment in the House. The bullhorn he wielded in West Baltimore was emblazoned with a gold label that read, “The gentleman will not yield.” It was a gift from his Democratic colleagues, bestowed after Rep. Darrell Issa, R-Calif., silenced Cummings’s microphone at a 2014 hearing into complaints that the Internal Revenue Service had unfairly targeted conservati­ve nonprofit groups.

The next year, while serving on the House Select Committee on Benghazi, he sparred with Chairman Trey Gowdy, R-S.C., during hearings Republican­s convened to examine Clinton’s role in the Benghazi debacle.

When Gowdy interrogat­ed Clinton about Libya-related emails sent from a longtime confidant of hers, Sidney Blumenthal, Cummings interjecte­d: “Gentleman, yield! Gentleman, yield! You have made several inaccurate statements.”

Talking to reporters in the hallway later, Cummings said his primary purpose was not to defend Clinton but to seek “the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth.”

“Let the world see it,” he said.

The experience didn’t appear to sour Gowdy on Cummings.

“It’s not about politics to him; he says what he believes,” Gowdy told The Hill newspaper. “And you can tell the ones who are saying it because it was in a memo they got that morning, and you can tell the ones who it’s coming from their soul. And with Mr. Cummings, it’s coming from his soul.”

The first two years of the Trump administra­tion, 2017 and 2018, were agonizing for Cummings, who was battling ill health, including complicati­ons from heart surgery, as well as political frustratio­n.

Cummings said his efforts to work with Trump and members of the GOP majority in the House were fruitless. He said that at the luncheon after Trump’s inaugurati­on and during other encounters, he urged the president to pursue policies that could unite the country and burnish his legacy. The congressma­n said after a few promising meetings, he stopped hearing from Trump.

“Perhaps if I knew then what I know now, I wouldn’t have had a lot of hope,” Cummings later remarked. “He is a man who quite often calls the truth a lie and calls a lie the truth.”

As ranking Democrat on the Oversight Committee, Cummings became a leading voice against the Trump administra­tion’s efforts to add a citizenshi­p question to the 2020 Census, a change that critics contended would discourage participat­ion by documented and undocument­ed immigrants alike.

He was also a forceful opponent of an immigratio­n policy that separated thousands of children from their parents after they illegally crossed the southern U.S. border. He described the Trump White House as inhumane in its use of “child internment camps.”

In turn, the president went on a Twitter tirade against Cummings and described his majority black Baltimore district as a “disgusting, rat and rodent infested mess” and suggested the congressma­n focus his efforts on cleaning up “this very dangerous & filthy place.”

Cummings’s response was not to dignify the attack, instead telling an audience at the National Press Club in Washington: “Those at the highest levels of government must stop invoking fear, using racist language and encouragin­g reprehensi­ble behavior. As a country, we finally must say that enough is enough. That we are done with the hateful rhetoric.”

After Democrats won control of the House in the November 2018 midterm elections, Cummings was elevated to chairman of the Oversight Committee, a position he used to sound further alarms. He spearheade­d probes into security clearances issued by the White House over the objections of career officials and payments made during the 2016 campaign to silence women who claimed to have had affairs with Trump.

Cummings had a combative streak, but he was adept at calming volatile situations, such as the sharp exchange between Rep. Mark Meadows, R-N.C. and Rep. Rashida Tlaib, D-Mich., during a hearing in February 2019.

The Oversight Committee was taking testimony from Michael Cohen, Trump’s former personal lawyer, and Tlaib accused Meadows of pulling a “racist” stunt by having a black woman, an administra­tion employee, stand behind him. Meadows demanded her words be stricken from the record.

Cummings called Meadows “one of my best friends” and prompted Tlaib to say she was not calling Meadows a racist. By the next day, the conservati­ve Meadows and liberal freshman Tlaib were hugging in public.

“Interactio­n, man,” Cummings said by way of explanatio­n. “Human interactio­n, that’s all.”

 ?? ANDREW HARRER/BLOOMBERG ??
ANDREW HARRER/BLOOMBERG
 ?? SALWAN GEORGES/WASHINGTON POST ?? Rep. Elijah E. Cummings, D-Md., speaks during a news conference in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 4, 2019.
SALWAN GEORGES/WASHINGTON POST Rep. Elijah E. Cummings, D-Md., speaks during a news conference in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 4, 2019.

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