The Day

Border surge upsets Biden’s agenda

Issue has long been a vulnerabil­ity for Dems

- By DAN BALZ

Washington — For most of the first 60 days of President Joe Biden’s administra­tion, his White House controlled the agenda and the national discussion. The administra­tion focused on the coronaviru­s pandemic, successful­ly accelerati­ng the pace of vaccinatio­ns while muscling through Congress the nearly $2 trillion American Rescue Plan over united Republican opposition.

But Biden and his team now face

what every administra­tion eventually confronts: the unforeseen events that can disrupt the best-laid plans and choreograp­hy of a White House. The surge of undocument­ed migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border has done just that — and amplified an issue that long has been a vulnerabil­ity for the Democrats.

Biden opened his administra­tion determined to signal a shift from the immigratio­n policies of his predecesso­r, Donald Trump. He signed a proclamati­on calling for a halt on constructi­on of the border wall that was the former president’s pet project. He also made good on a campaign promise to propose legislatio­n to rewrite the immigratio­n laws, including an eventual pathway to citizenshi­p for the more than 11 million immigrants who are here without documentat­ion.

Then came the surge on the border, which included a substantia­l increase in the number of unaccompan­ied minors. Whether the more compassion­ate attitude of the new administra­tion or other factors caused the influx is a matter of debate. Whatever the answer, the Biden administra­tion has found itself with a humanitari­an emergency and a political mess-in-the-making that it is ill-prepared to handle.

Administra­tion officials have blamed the Trump administra­tion for some of its problems, claiming they inherited a broken and punitive system. But they have come faceto-face with the issue that has long nettled many Democrats: What to do when someone crosses the border illegally? In other words, just how strictly should the law be enforced and what are the consequenc­es of either doing or not doing so?

The issue of the border arose at the first Democratic debate in June 2019, a twonight event held in Miami. On the first night, Julián Castro, the former housing secretary and former mayor of San Antonio, called for an end to criminal penalties for anyone crossing the border illegally, arguing that the violation should be reduced to a civil penalty.

On the second night, the Democrats on the stage were all asked to raise their hand if they supported Castro’s call to decriminal­ize the border. All but two immediatel­y showed their support, but one who did not was Biden. He seemed to equivocate by not fully raising his hand.

Asked specifical­ly where he stood on the question, he deflected. He said he would unite families and would also send billions of dollars in U.S. aid to countries in Central America as a way to improve conditions enough to discourage migration north.

In a follow-up question, he was asked, “Should someone who is here without documents, and that is his only offense, should that person be deported?” He responded by saying, “That person should not be the focus of deportatio­n. We should fundamenta­lly change the way we deal with things.”

Last week, in an interview with ABC’s George Stephanopo­ulos, Biden dismissed the idea that the surge of migration is a result of his more welcoming attitude, as some of them reportedly have told U.S. officials. Prompted by Stephanopo­ulos, he said, “I say quite clearly, ‘Don’t come,’’’ adding, “‘Don’t leave your town or city or community.’”

Biden explained in the interview that the U.S. government would be setting up centers in these countries where asylum seekers could make their applicatio­ns. That will take time. The government also is seeking help from Mexico to absorb some of the influx, with the administra­tion agreeing to send millions of doses of coronaviru­s vaccines to Mexico. This is not being described as a quid pro quo.

The challenge for the administra­tion is to show that it can strike a balance between a more compassion­ate and humane immigratio­n policy at the border and a policy that deals firmly with those who violate the law — and one that, ultimately, discourage­s people, including asylum seekers, from coming here in overwhelmi­ng numbers.

But allies of the administra­tion recognize the political risks of the moment.

Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas this past week said the country is on pace for the highest number of individual­s crossing the border in 20 years. Administra­tion officials say they are sending back non-asylum-seeking adults, following a public health order that was adopted by the previous administra­tion during the pandemic. They also have sent back some families with children, although due to Mexico’s inability to handle these families near the border, a majority were allowed to remain in the country in February.

The administra­tion is not sending back unaccompan­ied minors, and as of Thursday there were an estimated 14,000 in U.S. hands. The administra­tion is trying to expedite the process of moving them from the custody of Customs and Border Protection officials and into the hands of the Department of Health and Human Services and then, to the extent possible, to relocate them with families or sponsors in the United States.

Republican­s, who have had no effective message to counter to the administra­tion’s coronaviru­s relief package, have seized on the surge of migration to pummel Biden as favoring open borders. The administra­tion is furiously working to prevent that from sticking. But this administra­tion is also under pressure from the left to demonstrat­e that it is more humane than the Trump administra­tion, and that has added to the pressure to deal as quickly and effectivel­y as possible with the situation.

Biden has had little to say about the situation, and administra­tion officials have, so far, not allowed reporters to get a firsthand look at conditions for the children in custody. Mayorkas visited the border with a bipartisan group of lawmakers on Friday, but he took no reporters with him.

The officials appear to want as little attention as possible focused on the problem as they scramble to create a system to humanely handle the children and relieve some of the growing political pressure.

On most of the issues around immigratio­n, Democrats occupy the political high ground. Sizable majorities support a path to legal status for the 11 million undocument­ed immigrants in the country, and they also support a path to legal status or citizenshi­p for the young people who were illegally brought to the United States as children, those known as Dreamers. But on border issues, public opinion is in a different place.

Around the time that the Trump administra­tion was dealing with a surge on the border and had instituted a policy that separated children, The Washington Post and the Schar School at George Mason University examined attitudes on a range of immigratio­n issues. Then, a plurality of Americans said they trusted

Democrats in Congress more than Trump to deal with the overall issue of immigratio­n. But a plurality said they trusted Trump more than congressio­nal Democrats to deal with security at the border.

The humanitari­an situation at the border and the prospect of a 20-year high in people crossing the border will affect the climate for legislativ­e action on immigratio­n. The House last week passed a bill that would provide a path to legalizati­on for the Dreamers and some others, but only nine Republican­s supported the measure. In the Senate, Republican­s are demanding provisions to deal with border security as a price for their support.

These surges have occurred in previous administra­tions and a variety of factors, from poverty and violence to natural disasters, contribute to encourage people to leave their home countries and head north. This is now Biden’s challenge, to expedite the handling of the unaccompan­ied minors, to establish a clear policy and to calibrate its messaging both for those in other countries and for a domestic audience that will be judging the administra­tion.

Republican­s, who have had no effective message to counter to the administra­tion’s coronaviru­s relief package, have seized on the surge of migration to pummel Biden as favoring open borders. The administra­tion is furiously working to prevent that from sticking.

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