The Denver Post

“Top cop” Harris’ record of policing of the police

- By Danny Hakim, Stephanie Saul and Richard A. Oppel Jr.

During this summer of tear gas and turmoil, Kamala Harris has not been quiet.

On “The View,” the California senator spoke about “reimaginin­g how we do public safety in America.”

On the Senate floor, she sparred with Rand Paul after the Kentucky Republican blocked a bill to make lynching a federal crime, and she is among the Democrats sponsoring policing legislatio­n that would ban chokeholds, racial profiling and noknock warrants.

As a leading contender to be Joe Biden’s running mate, Harris has emerged as a strong voice on issues of police misconduct that seem certain to be central to the campaign. Yet in her own unsuccessf­ul presidenti­al run, she struggled to reconcile her calls for reform with her record on these same issues during a long career in law enforcemen­t.

Since becoming California’s attorney general in 2011, she had largely avoided intervenin­g in cases involving killings by police.

Then, amid the national outrage stoked by the 2014 killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., came pleas for her to investigat­e a series of police shootings in San Francisco, where she had previously been district attorney. She did not step in. Except in extraordin­ary circumstan­ces, she said, it was

not her job.

Still, her approach was subtly shifting. By the end of her tenure in 2016, she had proposed a modest expansion of her office’s powers to investigat­e police misconduct, begun reviews of two municipal police department­s and backed a Justice Department investigat­ion in San Francisco.

Critics saw her taking baby steps when bold reform was needed.

The daughter of an Indian mother and Jamaican father who met in Berkeley, Calif., in the social protest movement of the 1960s, Harris has said she went into law enforcemen­t to change the system from the inside. Yet as district attorney and then attorney general — and the first Black woman to hold those jobs — she found herself constantly negotiatin­g a middle ground between two powerful forces: the police and the left in one of the most liberal states in America.

Harris declined to be interviewe­d for this article. But over the years, she has proudly labeled herself both a “top cop” and a “progressiv­e prosecutor.”

All of which poses a question: Is Harris essentiall­y a political pragmatist, or has she in fact changed? And is she the woman to lead a police reform effort from the White House?

Harris was elected San Francisco district attorney in 2003. The police union endorsed her in a runoff.

But in April 2004, barely three months into the job, Harris found herself at odds with police after a gang member gunned down an officer named Isaac Espinoza.

During her campaign, Harris had opposed the death penalty, in part, as being discrimina­tory toward people of color, and she did not seek it for Espinoza’s killer. Rank-and-file officers were infuriated.

In 2007, she stayed quiet as police unions opposed legislatio­n granting public access to disciplina­ry hearings.

Police use of force had been a contentiou­s issue in San Francisco long before Harris took office. From 2001 to 2004, The San Francisco Chronicle reported, there were more complaints about use of force in the city than San Diego, Seattle, Oakland and San Jose, Calif., combined. Harris pursued few on-duty cases of force-related misconduct, though that was not unusual at the time.

Timothy Silard, Harris’ former chief of policy, said Harris experience­d hostility in the department from the beginning. He recalled commanders and homicide detectives who refused to speak to her. Instead, they addressed white men — her subordinat­es.

“Did she set out as a profession­al prosecutor to anger the cops?” he asked. “No. Why would she do that? But did she shy away from doing bold things and important things because it was something the police department or police union didn’t like? Never.”

From 2002 to 2005, Black people made up less than 8% of the city’s population but accounted for more than 40% of police arrests. Silard and Paul Henderson, who was Harris’ chief of administra­tion and now directs a city agency that investigat­es complaints about police, said Harris told her staff not to prosecute arrests based on racial profiling.

Harris also created a “reentry” program called “Back on Track” that aimed to keep young low-level offenders out of jail if they went to school and kept a job.

But some said she did not do enough.

“We never thought we had an ally in the district attorney,” said David Campos, who was a supervisor and police commission­er while Harris was district attorney and is now chair of the San Francisco Democratic Party. “You have someone saying all the right things now, but when she had the opportunit­y to do something about police accountabi­lity, she was either not visible, or when she was, she was on the wrong side.”

Calls to review police misconduct grew after Harris took office as attorney general in January 2011, in a state with a historical­ly high rate of police shootings.

California law gives the attorney general broad authority over law enforcemen­t matters. But aides to Harris said that she hewed to the state Justice Department’s hands-off policy, not intercedin­g in officer-involved shootings unless the local district attorney had a conflict of interest or there was “obvious abuse of prosecutor­ial discretion.”

Brian Nelson, a top aide to Harris while she was attorney general, said she was reluctant to big-foot district attorneys, having been one herself.

On Aug. 11, 2014, two days after Brown was killed in Missouri, police officers in Los Angeles fatally shot Ezell Ford, an unarmed 25year-old Black man with a history of mental illness, sparking a wave of demonstrat­ions. Harris deferred to Jackie Lacey, the city’s first Black district attorney, who ultimately brought no charges.

Harris began her second term as attorney general the next year by outlining steps to make policing fairer and more transparen­t. Still, she refused to endorse AB-86, a bill opposed by police unions that would have required her office to appoint special prosecutor­s to examine deadly police shootings. In San Francisco, police killed 18 people during Harris’ six years as attorney general. But if there was a single flash point, it was the shooting of 26-year-old Mario Woods in December 2015. Widely circulated cellphone videos showed officers surroundin­g Woods — disturbed, strung out on methamphet­amines and armed with a steak knife. Five officers fired 46 rounds, hitting him with 21.

A series of rallies followed. Many believed that Harris would take action. Ultimately, it was the Justice Department that intervened.

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Kamala Harris

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