The Denver Post

How infighting over border divided the White House

- By Zolan Kanno- Youngs, Michael D. Shear and Eileen Sullivan

WASHINGTON » President Joe Biden was livid.

He had been in office only two months at the time, and there was already a crisis at the southwest border. Thousands of migrant children were jammed into unsanitary Border Patrol stations. Republican­s were accusing Biden of flinging open the borders. And his aides were blaming one another.

Biden came into office promising to dismantle what he described as the inhumane immigratio­n policies of former President Donald Trump. But for much of Biden’s presidency so far, the White House has been divided by furious debates over how — and whether — to proceed in the face of a surge of migrants crossing the southwest border.

Senior aides have been battling one another over how quickly to roll back the most restrictiv­e policies and what kind of system would best replace them.

Now Biden finds himself the target of attacks from all sides: Immigratio­n activists accuse him of failing to prioritize the human rights of millions of immigrants. Conservati­ves have pointed to surges of migrants at the border as evidence that the president is weak and ineffectiv­e. And some moderate Democrats now fear that lifting Trump- era border restrictio­ns could hurt them politicall­y.

This account of the Biden administra­tion’s handling of the border over the past 15 months is based on interviews with 20 current and former officials, lawmakers and activists, most of whom requested anonymity to discuss private deliberati­ons.

Biden came into office with high hopes, saying he wanted a system that would allow the United States to determine, in a more compassion­ate way, which migrants should be allowed to stay in the country. He recruited a team of immigratio­n advocates and others eager to put in place the humane system they had envisioned for years. But the slow pace of change has left some of Biden’s longtime allies doubting his commitment and wondering whether he is more interested in keeping the highly charged issue from dominating his presidency.

Virtually all of the aides who came on board early in the administra­tion have left the White House, frustrated by what they describe as repeated fights with some of the president’s most senior advisers over whether to lift Trump- era policies. Even some of Biden’s more enforcemen­t- minded aides have departed.

Debates and clashes

Ron Klain issued a warning to his staff last summer.

Klain, the White House chief of staff, gathered senior aides, including Susan Rice, the president’s domestic policy adviser; Elizabeth Sherwood- Randall, the homeland security adviser; and Amy Pope, the top migration adviser. Klain told them they needed to make sure the administra­tion

was not pandering to people who wanted an immediate end to Trump- era border restrictio­ns.

If they did not find a way to deter soaring illegal crossings at the southwest border, he said, accusation­s about border chaos would grow worse, anger moderate voters and potentiall­y sink the party during the 2022 midterms.

As border crossings increased, disagreeme­nts erupted over how quickly to dismantle Trump’s anti- immigrant policies and what to replace them with.

Record numbers of migrants, including people driven out of their homes in Central America by the economic effects of the pandemic, gangs and natural disasters, surged to the border last summer, in part enticed by Biden’s promise of a less harsh approach to immigratio­n than that of his predecesso­r. About 214,000 migrants were taken into custody in July 2021 — the first time that many people had been apprehende­d in a single month in more than two decades.

Biden has taken a series of actions to reverse his predecesso­r’s policies. He halted constructi­on of the border wall, created a task force to reunite families separated at the border and reversed Trump’s ban on considerin­g domestic violence or gang violence as a basis for asylum. He also proposed sweeping legislatio­n to overhaul the nation’s immigratio­n system, although it has stalled in Congress.

Despite those actions, the infighting among the president’s aides continued.

Xavier Becerra, the secretary of health and human services, whose department runs shelters for migrant children, said the Department of Homeland Security needed to be more aggressive in turning away older teenagers, which would have changed Biden’s policy of letting all unaccompan­ied migrant children into the country. Rice repeatedly said Becerra should provide more shelters. Alejandro Mayorkas, the secretary of homeland security, said the Department of Health and Human Services needed to move the children more quickly out of crowded Border Patrol stations.

For months, aides clashed over an effort intended to speed up considerat­ion of asylum cases at the border by allowing immigratio­n officers to decide the claims rather than overburden­ed judges.

Some of the former immigratio­n advocates in the West Wing, including Rice’s deputy for immigratio­n, Esther Olavarria, worried that rushing through the new process would limit due process for migrants. Rice, Klain and others argued that processing claims faster — and swiftly deporting migrants who fail to win asylum — was an important way to ease the burden on the system and deter illegal crossings.

Biden grew annoyed by the delays in putting the asylum changes into practice. The administra­tion did not release the final language for the new policy until last month. And because of staffing and funding issues, the plan will be rolled out slowly.

One of the most fraught debates inside the West Wing over the last year has been what to do about Trump’s “Remain in Mexico” policy, which forced migrants seeking asylum to wait south of the border until their cases were decided.

As a candidate, Biden condemned the program. Once in office, he terminated it. But it was one program that had been effective at keeping some migrants out of detention facilities.

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