The Denver Post

Speaking truth to power in a corrupt system in Russia

- By Ben Kenigsberg

98 minutes. On CNN platforms and HBO Max

“Navalny” had its premiere at the virtual Sundance Film Festival in January, before Vladimir Putin, the Russian president, started the war in Ukraine in February, and before the film’s subject, Alexei Navalny, the imprisoned opposition leader, received an additional nine-year sentence in March. The case against him has been seen internatio­nally as a Kremlin effort to lock up a prominent Putin critic.

Even with those latest grim developmen­ts, this documentar­y, directed by Canadian filmmaker Daniel Roher (“Once Were Brothers: Robbie Robertson and the Band”), plays like a crowd-pleaser, a profile of a politician with the unflagging courage to swim against a rising totalitari­an tide. It helps that Navalny has a movie star’s charisma and wit. In the first moments, Navalny implores Roher to make the film a thriller. If he is killed, Navalny explains, then he has permission to make a boring memorial.

In what has already become one of the most discussed scenes, Navalny, flanked by Maria Pevchikh (who leads the investigat­ive arm of the Anti-corruption Foundation, Navalny’s organizati­on) and Christo Grozev (from the investigat­ive group Bellingcat), places phone calls to men he suspects were involved in the August 2020 poisoning that nearly killed him. One of the men who picks up, apparently buying Navalny’s impersonat­ion of an official, spills the beans in stupefying detail.

Navalny released a longer version of the rambling conversati­on, which lasted a purported 49 minutes, in December 2020. Roher, exercising a journalist’s prerogativ­e to trim for space, has condensed this call to about six minutes of highlights (although he has not drawn attention to this, and a close comparison of the editing suggests the movie has tightened not just for time but for drama). Navalny holds up the admissions as an example of a phenomenon he calls “Moscow4,” named for an easily guessable password. It is when stupidity undermines the system.

Beyond the coup of witnessing that phone call, Roher has assembled a tense and absorbing look at Navalny and his inner circle. Pevchikh, who has an executive-producer credit, and Grozev, who sleuths out informatio­n in shady corners of the web with amazing ease, would make for fascinatin­g subjects of their own documentar­ies. (Roher had in fact met Grozev for another project, and

Grozev led him to Navalny.)

Roher also makes efforts to present Navalny as an everyday guy. He films the politician and his wife, Yulia Navalnaya, feeding farm animals in Germany, where Navalny convalesce­d after being poisoned, and having a discussion about whether it is OK to grab an apple off a tree there. Navalny appears to be more adept at Tiktok than his college-age daughter.

As Roher acknowledg­ed at a recent screening of his film in New York, Navalny knows how to play to the camera. Occasional­ly — as when Pevchikh asks Navalny if Roher’s questions are bothering him

— the documentar­y finds ways to acknowledg­e that he is image conscious. Roher clearly reveres Navalny, and it is possible the only tough question we see is an often-asked one about whether Navalny was wrong to appear at a demonstrat­ion of extreme-right nationalis­ts in 2011.

But mostly the movie is, as Navalny ordered, a thriller, culminatin­g with a suspensefu­l recap of Navalny’s post-recovery return to Russia in January 2021, when his plane was diverted from the airport where his supporters had gathered. He was arrested shortly after landing. And in a film full of global intrigue, a quiet exchange stands out. After Navalny has been led away, a COVID compliance officer sifts through papers and allows Navalnaya to pass. “Thank you,” he says, “and your husband.”

 ?? Alexander Zemlianich­enko, AP file ?? Russian anti-corruption campaigner and Kremlin critic Alexei Navalny in his office in Moscow, Russia on March 17, 2010.
Alexander Zemlianich­enko, AP file Russian anti-corruption campaigner and Kremlin critic Alexei Navalny in his office in Moscow, Russia on March 17, 2010.

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