The Evening Leader

How Ohio’s new US congressio­nal map sprinted into law

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COLUMBUS (AP) — Congressio­nal redistrict­ing is the arcane but consequent­ial process of redrawing U.S. House districts every 10 years, which often goes unnoticed by citizens.

This week, a final congressio­nal map for Ohio sprinted through the Legislatur­e and was signed by Republican Gov. Mike DeWine on Saturday — all in less than five days. The map only received Republican support, meaning it will endure for only four years, not a whole decade as the process envisions.

The new Ohio map includes six safe Republican seats, two safe Democratic seats and seven seats Republican­s say are competitiv­e, but which voting rights groups, Democrats and academics say still lean the GOP’s way. The state lost one of its current 16 congressio­nal seats due to its lagging population recorded in the 2020 census.

Maps that are drawn to overly advantage one political party, called gerrymande­ring, have played a role in heightened, even deadly, tensions on display in the U.S. in recent years, as Americans feel unheard by their government, said University of Cincinnati political scientist David Niven.

“I am absolutely aware that gerrymande­ring is kind of abstract, and it invites a certain eye glaze when you start talking about it,” Niven said, “but it also touches every single issue that you care about.” HOW WAS THE SYSTEM

SUPPOSED TO WORK?

In Ohio, voters approved a new system beginning this year that was supposed to ensure meaningful participat­ion by both parties in a fairer, more transparen­t map-drawing process. The result would be maps that didn’t pack together, crack apart or otherwise manipulate voter blocs to “unduly” favor one party or its incumbents.

Under Issue 1, a 2018 constituti­onal amendment approved by almost 75% of voters, the state Legislatur­e could adopt a 10-year map with 60% of members in both the Ohio House and Ohio Senate, including 50% of Republican­s and 50% of Democrats.

If they failed, the seven-member Ohio Redistrict­ing Commission, created under a similar 2015 amendment aimed at reforming legislativ­e districtin­g, would get its chance. If that panel failed to pass a bipartisan map, legislator­s would get another chance. On the second go-round, support from only a third of each major party’s members was required for a 10-year plan.

If all that failed, a 4-year map — the one Ohioans now ultimately have — could be passed by a simple majority, along party lines.

DID DELAYED CENSUS

RESULTS CAUSE THE RUSH?

Yes and no. Typically, Ohio and other states would have received their updated population figures on April 1. Instead, coronaviru­s-related delays pushed back their arrival by more than four months.

Ohio Republican­s took action early to address the problem. Attorney General Dave Yost sued in March to try to force earlier release of census figures. A federal judge nixed the lawsuit, although a later negotiatio­n did accelerate things somewhat. In May, GOP Senate President Matt Huffman, an author of Issue 1 with huge sway in the process, proposed a fast-moving constituti­onal amendment that would have lengthened redistrict­ing deadlines on a one-time basis. But Democrats balked and the plan was scrapped.

Still, a coalition of voting-rights and labor groups argued back in April that much could have been accomplish­ed even without the data. That included releasing planning and research funds, launching public websites, appointing committee members and holding hearings featuring political science, mapping, data, legal and voting rights experts, as well as members of the public. The first public hearing on either a legislativ­e or congressio­nal map was held Aug. 23.

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