The Evening Leader

Ohioans got short shrift as political map fight goes on

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COLUMBUS (AP) — Accusation­s have flown for months over who's to blame for Ohio's protracted redistrict­ing predicamen­t — a mess of a political mapmaking fight that's left the state without settled political maps and voters without a day for electing party nominees to Statehouse seats.

Voting rights groups blame Republican­s at the Statehouse. GOP lawmakers blame national Democrats and the Ohio Supreme Court. The court implicitly faults the Ohio Redistrict­ing Commission, which has taken its time by submitting repeated maps that were deemed unconstitu­tionally gerrymande­red in favor of Republican­s. Commission­ers point fingers at the justices, special interest groups and the initial census delays.

An Associated Press review settled on one key finding: After hundreds of days of time with government statistici­ans, lawyers, judges and politician­s, the public was the group given short shrift. The public airing of the legislativ­e and congressio­nal maps combined included a scant 64 days for their input.

The AP's look at how many days the maps have spent with various groups is based on legislativ­e activity, court dockets, commission minutes and other reporting, and was verified using calendars, emails and other documents obtained through public records requests. Because of overlappin­g processes, these totals, which include weekends, exceed the actual 419 days that elapsed as of Tuesday since states were to receive their redistrict­ing data.

CENSUS BUREAU: 134 days

The single largest delay in the process was caused by the Census Bureau, whose decennial head count of Americans ran into logistical snags due to the coronaviru­s pandemic. Those problems began under Republican President Donald Trump and continued under his successor Joe Biden, a Democrat.

Trump initially appeared to support a Census Bureau request to delay the release of redistrict­ing data from March 31 to July 31, 2021. At the time, he said, “This is called an act of God. This is called a situation that has to be. They have to give it.” Later, Republican­s in the Senate stymied the request after a memorandum from Trump in the spring, which ordered that people in the country illegally be excluded from the apportionm­ent count.

Under Biden, the bureau announced states wouldn't get redistrict­ing data until Sept. 30. Ohio sued. Republican Attorney General Dave Yost accused the now-Democratic administra­tion of trying “to drag its feet and bog this down in court.” A settlement promised the informatio­n by Aug. 16, 2021. It arrived Aug. 12. State-hired experts turned the data around to lawmakers within a day.

GOP LAWMAKERS: 81 days

Lawmakers were to begin drawing a new congressio­nal map right away. They didn't. After Democrats nixed a GOP proposal to constituti­onally delay Ohio's redistrict­ing timeline, majority Republican­s chose to run out the clock on their part of the congressio­nal mapmaking process, eating up 48 days. Later, House Republican­s cre

to be ready for census informatio­n to drop the following week. Once the data arrived, though, the commission often wasn't in a hurry, public records show.

With Republican legislativ­e leaders often holding sway, commission's lags included 10 days between the census data's arrival and the first field hearing on legislativ­e maps, six days spent responding to court deadlines and a combined 43 days between various court rulings and its subsequent public activity. The tally also includes 28 days of inaction before approval of the first congressio­nal map and 16 days of inaction before beginning its part of the work on a second map.

Albeit, during the latter span, the commission was at work fixing invalidate­d legislativ­e maps and under tight court deadlines. But the lapse on congressio­nal maps is still included here, since earlier legislativ­e and commission inaction contribute­d to the overlap.

INTEREST GROUPS: 39 days

This total includes elapsed days between commission map approvals and the lawsuits or objections next filed by Democratic and voting rights groups, including the National Democratic Redistrict­ing Committee led by former Attorney General Eric Holder, the ACLU, League of Women Voters, Ohio Organizing Collaborat­ive and others. The total excludes happenings in a related federal lawsuit, which didn't impact the overarchin­g timeline.

After a 20-day window between the commission's second congressio­nal map and the filing of the ACLU's objection, GOP Secretary of State Frank LaRose — the state’s elections chief and a redistrict­ing commission­er — accused national Democrats and the Biden administra­tion of a “time-eating litigation strategy” and Supreme Court justices of “dawdling.”

When the League suspended its challenge to the congressio­nal maps, it pointed back to Republican­s' control of the calendar.

“Even we had no idea that after we won time and time and time again in court, that we would still see this play of running out the clock,” Executive Director Jen Miller told reporters. “But that’s what they’ve done. And it’s awful, it’s gross, in my opinion.”

LEGAL ARGUMENTS: 183 days

The court wrangling is the most difficult to quantify, and the most inflated by overlaps in the congressio­nal and legislativ­e cases. It also begs questions involving blame. Are the suing parties responsibl­e for these growing time spans? Are justices, who control briefing timetables? Or are commission­ers responsibl­e, after twice returning identical or near-identical maps to the court?

Here, the AP opted to include days of court activity that preceded oral arguments in the two redistrict­ing fights, as well as periods of volleying briefs not easily attributab­le to a single group. Together, that added to 183 days — and counting.

Dockets show that, as opposing parties jockeyed for legal advantage, the Republican­s' public attacks over timing lags often conflicted with their lawyers' arguments in court against haste.

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