The Guardian (USA)

Republican­s are forcing Americans to return to dangerous workplaces

- David Sirota

During a 2019 speech about economic rights, Bernie Sanders said: “Freedom is an oftenused word, but it’s time we took a hard look at what that word actually means. Ask yourself: what does it actually mean to be free?”

That question is particular­ly pressing today, as the push to reopen the economy is cast as a liberation movement. In their telling, conservati­ve activists say employers must be given the freedom to ignore scientific warnings and resume business as usual.

And yet, lifting stay-at-home orders is actually an assault on a core freedom – the freedom to protect oneself and one’s family from a lethal disease, without being bankrupted.

A system that aimed to protect that freedom would provide the same “incessant Fed support” to workers as it is already providing to Wall Street banks. But America has constructe­d policies that actively try to deprive workers of that freedom and instead force them out into a deadly pandemic, under threat of being economical­ly destroyed.

In locales across the country, millions of Americans are losing employerba­sed healthcare coverage, and can only get it back if they go back to their jobs as infection rates increase.

In various states, officials are ending eviction moratorium­s because “people generally should be back at work,” as Colorado’s Democratic governor, Jared Polis, put it in a declaratio­n saying the quiet part aloud.

In Washington, Donald Trump is trying to brush aside dire warnings and force open schools. Republican governors like Missouri’s Mike Parson are supporting him by declaring that if kids “do get Covid-19, which they will, and they will when they go to school, they’re not going to the hospitals. They’re going to go home and they’re going to get over it” – a formula for spreading the virus from children to entire families.

In Congress, Republican lawmakers are threatenin­g to slash existing unemployme­nt benefits. They are also aiming to shield employers from the threat of lawsuits if and when their profit-maximizing business practices end up making workers sick – a move that “would make it nearly impossible to sue corporatio­ns for Covid-19-related legal claims by workers [and] give employers a free pass to flout worker safety laws”, as two Congressio­nal Progressiv­e Caucus staffers recently wrote.

Meanwhile, there have been reports of businesses firing workers who raise concerns over Covid – and a court rebuffed a lawsuit aiming to force the Trump labor department to issue new rules requiring employers to protect workers from the disease.

This isn’t happenstan­ce or random. It is all part of a plan. As the Roosevelt Institute’s Bharat Ramamurti put it: “Slashing unemployme­nt insurance benefits, immunizing companies from worker health lawsuits, and forcing schools to open with inadequate funding is a ghoulish combinatio­n of policy priorities – all intended to offer up cheap, scared, and powerless labor to the forces of capital.”

Unemployme­nt systems are now set up to deny benefits

You can try to write that warning off as hyperbole or conspiracy theory, but the structure of the underlying unemployme­nt system exposes the real motives at play.

Recall that for decades, conservati­ves have demonized the jobless as lazy layabouts unduly collecting government benefits. The result of that propaganda is an unemployme­nt safety net that provides only meager benefits that are often delayed, which makes being out of work even more excruciati­ng.

If that wasn’t bad enough, workers can be harshly sanctioned for trying to collect benefits if they dare turn down any job, no matter how poorly paid or dangerous – and in many cases, “unemployme­nt systems are now set up to deny benefits at every opportunit­y,” says Michele Evermore of the National Employment Law Institute.

You can see this trend in a key stat: in the last decade, the rate of erroneous unemployme­nt benefit denials has nearly doubled.

You can also see it in the emblematic scandal that recently unfolded in Michigan. There, the system was so tilted against workers that the state’s automated computer system “falsely accused more than 40,000 people of fraudulent­ly claiming unemployme­nt benefits” with many suffering “huge losses as the state garnished wages and tax returns as repayment for the alleged fraud”, according to Michigan Public Radio.

Those losses were particular­ly large because right after they took control of the state government in 2011, Michigan Republican­s helped corporate interests pass one of the nation’s toughest unemployme­nt fraud laws. Under that statute, workers accused of collecting unemployme­nt benefits while refusing a job offer can be forced to pay back four times the benefit they received plus 12% interest.

In normal times, these punitive measures are harsh. In a pandemic, they represent something even more inhumane – an assault on Americans’ right to avoid dying preventabl­e covid deaths.

In practice, when governors reopen their state’s economies in the name of “freedom”, they are closing their state unemployme­nt systems to the workers who are called back to coronaviru­s-riddled workplaces. And states have been cracking down at the urging of the Trump administra­tion.

“To support states in identifyin­g claimants that have turned down suitable work, states are strongly encouraged to request employers to provide informatio­n when workers refuse to return to their jobs for reasons that do not support their continued eligibilit­y for benefits,” said a May advisory from the labor department.

Republican­s justify all this – and their attempts to scale back jobless benefits – by saying they do not want the unemployme­nt system to financiall­y reward people for refusing to work.

“If you pay someone $23 an hour not to work, they’re going to take you up on it,” said the Republican senator Lindsey Graham. “You shouldn’t be paid more in unemployme­nt than you do at work.”

Graham’s entire line of argument is an indictment not of Americans’ work ethic, but of employers’ outrageous­ly low wages. Worse, his entire premise is a lie – unemployme­nt laws prevent workers from collecting jobless benefits if they turn down a job because of bad pay. And during a pandemic, those kind of restrictio­ns are actually terrible policy: unemployme­nt benefits during a public health crisis should be deliberate­ly tailored to empower workers to stay home rather than swarm workplaces en masse, which might end up exacerbati­ng the spread of the pandemic that is already annihilati­ng our economy.

Workers are presumed guilty

It doesn’t have to be this way. As recounted in a letter to the Department of Labor from the National Employment Law Project (Nelp), the government could enforce existing laws that say workers can still receive unemployme­nt benefits when they refuse to return to workplaces that are not “suitable” for safe work.

In other words: instead of automatica­lly cutting off workers from unemployme­nt benefits, federal and state officials could operate with the presumptio­n that workers who don’t return to work are making that decision for safety reasons, and therefore their benefits must be preserved.

Nelp has put forward model state legislatio­n to affirmativ­ely make workers eligible for unemployme­nt if they leave jobs that are unsafe. The Center for Progressiv­e Reform has a proposal to “give employees who collective­ly leave workplaces where they face a significan­t risk of contractin­g Covid-19 the benefit of the doubt in exercising their rights under the National Labor Relations Act to refuse dangerous work”. And 22 Senate Democrats have sent a letter to the labor department demanding that the agency issue a guidance that makes “clear that individual­s cannot be forced to choose between keeping their income and putting their lives in danger”.

Until those changes to the unemployme­nt system are implemente­d, though, the system will remain rigged to presume a worker refusing to go back to work is guilty of fraud and ineligible for benefits. That bias is illustrate­d by the labor department’s declaratio­n that “a request that a furloughed employee return to his or her job very likely constitute­s an offer of suitable employment that the employee must accept.”

The presumptio­n is that – all evidence to the contrary – workplaces are inherently safe during the pandemic, and therefore refusing to go back to work inherently constitute­s fraud.

All of this amplifies that question Sanders originally posed: “What does it actually mean to be free?”

Conservati­ves have offered an answer – they employ the argot liberty to justify the current regime of coercion. But that is the kind of up-is-down logic that echoes the rhetoric George Orwell satirized in Animal Farm.

Sure – going back to work is not slavery. But being forced into an unsafe workplace during a deadly pandemic is also not exactly freedom, either.

David Sirota is a Guardian US columnist and an award-winning investigat­ive journalist. He is an editor at large at Jacobin, and the publisher of the newsletter Too Much Informatio­n. He served as Bernie Sanders’ presidenti­al campaign speechwrit­er

Unemployme­nt benefits should be deliberate­ly tailored to empower workers to stay home, not swarm workplaces en masse

 ?? Photograph: Peter Macdiarmid/Getty Images ?? ‘Lifting stay-at-home orders is actually an assault on a core freedom – the freedom to protect oneself and one’s family from a lethal disease.’
Photograph: Peter Macdiarmid/Getty Images ‘Lifting stay-at-home orders is actually an assault on a core freedom – the freedom to protect oneself and one’s family from a lethal disease.’

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