The Guardian (USA)

'Heal the damage': Activists urge Joe Biden to move beyond ‘border security’

- Brian Osgood

As Joe Biden prepares to take office, activists say the president-elect must not only take meaningful action to stabilize the US-Mexico border, but also reckon with his own history of militarizi­ng the border landscape and communitie­s.

Biden has promised to end many of the Trump administra­tion’s border policies, but has yet to unveil the kind of bold immigratio­n plan that would suggest a true departure from Obama-era priorities. Cecilia Muñoz, Obama’s top immigratio­n adviser who memorably defended the administra­tion’s decision to deport hundreds of thousands of immigrants, was recently added to Biden’s transition team.

Biden has stated that he will cease constructi­on of the border wall, telling National Public Radio in August that there will be “not another foot of wall”, and that his administra­tion will close lawsuits aimed at confiscati­ng land to make way for constructi­on. His immigratio­n plan will also rescind Trump’s declaratio­n of a “national emergency” on the southern border, which the Trump administra­tion has used to siphon funds from the Department of Defense to finance constructi­on, circumvent­ing Congress in an action recently declared illegal by an appeals court.

Some lawmakers along the border find these developmen­ts heartening, after Trump’s border wall constructi­on has devastated sensitive ecosystems, tribal spaces, and communitie­s, and has been continuous­ly challenged in court.

“I very much expect a Biden administra­tion to cancel constructi­on contracts and instruct DoJ to close eminent domain lawsuits,” says the congressma­n Henry Cuellar, a Democrat who represents the south Texas district of Laredo, where plans for constructi­on have been met with stiff resistance from locals who say it is unnecessar­y and would damage their community.

“My constituen­ts feel hopeful, because they know a Biden administra­tion is not going to waste money on a useless, destructiv­e wall.”

Since January 2017, US Customs and Border Protection (CBP) say they have spent $15bn on “400 miles of new primary and secondary border wall system”, the vast majority of it financed by funds from the Department of Defense. Most of this consists of replacing or building on older barriers, not building on land where none existed before.

But while weary border activists see a potential ally in the Biden administra­tion, many say that, while his electoral victory brought them a sense of relief, they are hoping for more than a return to the status quo.

“Stopping constructi­on isn’t enough,” says Dror Ladin, a senior staff attorney with the ACLU National Security Project. “There has to be planning to dismantle particular­ly harmful sections of this wall in a responsibl­e way and help heal the damage that has been done, both to communitie­s and natural spaces.”

Donald Trump is not unique in his goal of militarizi­ng the border, but his administra­tion has tested the limits of executive authority in ways his predecesso­rs did not. On 25 to 30 occasions, the Trump administra­tion has invoked an obscure provision of the 2005 Real ID Act, which allows the secretary of homeland security to continue barrier constructi­on without paying heed to any law that would stand in the way of expeditiou­s constructi­on efforts. The Trump administra­tion has used it to bypass protection­s like the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriati­on Act, the Endangered Species Act and the Clean Air Act. By comparison, the George Bush administra­tion invoked the provision to waive laws five times.

The Biden campaign did not respond to requests for comment from the Guardian inquiring whether or not his administra­tion would support rescinding or reforming the provision of the act that allows for waivers.

While Matthew Dyman, a US Customs and Border Protection spokesman, said in an email that sometimes waivers are necessary for the “expeditiou­s constructi­on of border wall”, he also stated that they consult “relevant stakeholde­rs to identify sensitive environmen­tal resources”. But border activists are not convinced.

“That’s a joke,” said Vicki Gaubeca, the head of the Southern Border Communitie­s Coalition, which advocates for policies that protect the rights of border communitie­s. “There is absolutely no meaningful consultati­on with communitie­s. They plow through without any thought to the impact.”

For those who have spent years in an uphill battle to stop Trump’s border wall, Biden’s pledge to end constructi­on and close lawsuits comes as a relief. But some say his administra­tion should go beyond the restoratio­n of the status quo, which they say was broken long before Trump took office. According to activists, that will require an acknowledg­ment of Biden’s own contributi­on to the project of border militariza­tion.

During his time in the Senate, Biden voted for both the 2005 Real ID Act and the 2006 Secure Fence Act, which approved the constructi­on of hundreds of miles of barriers along the southern border. During the Obama administra­tion, when he served as vice-president, the government poured funds into agencies such as Ice and deported more than 3 million people. Biden has called those deportatio­ns a “big mistake” and throughout his presidenti­al campaign said he would support a 100day deportatio­n freeze once in office. But he has largely remained silent on the question of a longer-term or complete moratorium on deportatio­ns, strategies that immigrant advocates and members of Congress continue to throw their support behind.

“To prove that they’re ‘ tough’ on immigratio­n, politician­s push for more funds for border patrol, more barriers, more deportatio­ns,” says Laiken Jordahl, a borderland­s campaigner with the Center for Biological Diversity, which has been in court fighting wall constructi­on for several years. “All we get is militariza­tion, and this makes life miserable for people actually living on the border.”

Many activists agree that the portion of the 2005 Real ID Act that gives the DHS the ability to waive environmen­tal laws must be reformed or done away with.

“It’s ironic that in the name of bringing ‘law and order’ to the borderland­s, the Trump administra­tion has created a situation where no laws apply if they get in the way of the federal government,” says Jordahl.

Ivy Le, a press spokeswoma­n for the Texas Civil Rights Project, points out that for those threatened by constructi­on on the border, Biden’s inaugurati­on is still a long way off.

“If you’re a DHS employee who truly believes in Trump’s vision on the southern border, these next two months are your last chance to really leave your mark. We’re preparing for an onslaught,” says Le.

She warns that the fight to stabilize the border is far from over. “I’d be lying if I said I didn’t feel some relief at Biden’s election, but a lot of people are still in danger. We’ve been fighting injustice on the border since before Trump, and we’ll still be fighting it after.”

Stopping constructi­on isn’t enough … There has to be planning to dismantle particular­ly harmful sections of this wall

Dror Ladin, ACLU

 ?? Photograph: Matt York/AP ?? Contractor­s erect a section of border wall, replacing smaller fortificat­ions, along the Colorado River in Yuma, Arizona, in September 2019.
Photograph: Matt York/AP Contractor­s erect a section of border wall, replacing smaller fortificat­ions, along the Colorado River in Yuma, Arizona, in September 2019.
 ?? Photograph: Sandy Huffaker/AFP/Getty Images ?? A member of the Kumeyaay band of Indians during a rally at the US-Mexico border to protest constructi­on of new wall on their ancestral grounds on 1 July 2020 in Boulevard, California.
Photograph: Sandy Huffaker/AFP/Getty Images A member of the Kumeyaay band of Indians during a rally at the US-Mexico border to protest constructi­on of new wall on their ancestral grounds on 1 July 2020 in Boulevard, California.

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