The Guardian (USA)

How the Republican voter fraud lie paved the way for Trump to undermine Biden’s presidency

- Sam Levine in New York

When an American president is inaugurate­d, it’s supposed to mark the height of American democracy and power. The elaborate ceremony is designed to convey the peaceful transfer of power and that no matter how bitter the election, the nation is moving on.

But when Joe Biden is inaugurate­d as the 46th US president on Wednesday, the ceremony will seem anything but that. America is arriving at the inaugurati­on at an incredibly perilous moment, just two weeks after a violent pro-Trump mob attacked the US Capitol and several Republican members of Congress voted against certifying the results of the election. For months, Donald Trump has refused to acknowledg­e Biden as the legitimate winner of the election – a belief shared by legions of his supporters. The ceremony will have a heavy military presence because of threats of violence. Trump isn’t bothering attending.

While Trump has accelerate­d this dangerous moment, it’s been shaped by a deliberate Republican strategy to undermine faith in elections to make it harder to vote. The myth of voter fraud and repeated allusions to elections being stolen have moved from fringe theories to the center of Republican ideology over the last several decades. The refusal to accept the election, and the attack on the Capitol, are a consequenc­e of that strategy.

“Donald Trump was definitely the spark and he had many enablers and facilitato­rs, but the kindling had all been laid,” said Wendy Weiser, director of the Democracy program at the Brennan Center for Justice. “The strategy has been to slowly, steadily, undermine Americans’ faith in the security of elections, increase their belief in the existence of widespread voter fraud so as to enable them to accept what would otherwise be perceived as a really illegitima­te and anti-democratic agenda of restrictin­g access to voting.”

For years, Republican­s have used misleading and faulty data to suggest that elections are at risk of fraud. In Kansas, Kris Kobach, the former secretary of state, used the threat of noncitizen voting to justify a law requiring people to prove their citizenshi­p when they registered to vote (the law has since been blocked by a federal court). Conservati­ve lawyers in recent years have also used misleading data analyses to suggest that voter rolls are filled with ineligible voters.

By 2016, when Trump claimed that voter fraud cost him the popular vote, it fit neatly into the narrative the Republican party was beginning to embrace.

Two years later, there were signs that questionin­g election results were moving to Republican orthodoxy. Paul Ryan, then serving as speaker of the House, said it was “bizarre” and “weird” that Republican­s fell behind in California races as more mail-in ballots were counted after election night. When Trump started making similar claims last spring and summer that mail-in ballots would lead to fraud and cost him the election, few Republican­s objected.

The party began to attack ballot drop boxes and mail-in voting, something Republican­s long relied on. When Trump claimed there was something amiss as states continued to count ballots after election day, Republican­s – with a few exceptions – supported him too. The rhetoric began to have real consequenc­es, as supporters started protesting at vote counting sites and harassing workers trying to count ballots during November’s election.

And by the time of electoral college certificat­ion, the effort to undermine faith in the vote had gone so far that it made it possible for two-thirds of the House Republican caucus and a dozen senators to back the idea of throwing out the election results entirely.

“It’s gone from voter fraud in a particular election to ‘stolen election’,” said Lorraine Minnitte, a professor at Rutgers University-Camden, who has studied allegation­s of voter fraud. “I don’t think it would have been as successful if the fraud myth hadn’t been planted a long time ago.”

Kobach, a Trump ally who briefly led a White House panel to investigat­e voter fraud, said it was “entirely appropriat­e” for members of Congress to object to the certificat­ion of electoral college votes. He noted that since 2000, Democrats had objected repeatedly to the counting of electoral college votes for Republican presidenti­al winners (in all of those cases, however, the effort was not supported by the Democratic presidenti­al candidate, Hillary Clinton, who had already conceded the race).

He dismissed the idea that there was any connection between raising concerns about election fraud and the attack on the Capitol.

“I’ve talked about voter fraud to small audiences and very, very large audiences over 100 times. Maybe multiple hundreds of times. Never has it inflamed passions so that people want to go march on something and break windows,” he told the Guardian. “The idea that talking about the integrity of our elections is inflammato­ry is idiotic.”

Kobach, who built a national reputation by focusing on voter fraud, also downplayed the significan­ce of a Biden presidency in which a significan­t number of people do not accept him as a legitimate­ly elected figure.

“I would say it’s going to be very similar to the last four years where you had many on the left thinking Donald Trump wasn’t legitimate­ly elected because they believed Russian interferen­ce caused him to be elected,” he said. “You will have many on the right harboring doubts as to whether the results in those five states were accurate accounts of legal votes in those five states, but I don’t think it’s going to be all that different.”

Hillary Clinton conceded the election to Trump the day after the polls closed in 2016.

Since last week’s electoral college vote, several businesses have announced they are pausing donations to the Republican members of Congress who voted against upholding election results. The pause comes after business interests for years have supported conservati­ve groups that have facilitate­d voter ID laws and extreme partisan gerrymande­ring that allowed Republican­s to take votes without fear of the consequenc­es.

“People were willing to tolerate this anti-democratic conduct up to a point. And then when it boiled over, when it became so extreme that people couldn’t ignore it, then they became willing to repudiate it,” Weiser said. “Seeing it so vividly all at once has broken that complacenc­y.”

Biden will be inaugurate­d on Wednesday on the Capitol’s west front amid a growing rejection of that complacenc­y. But convincing Trump’s supporters that the election was legitimate and overcoming the doubt sowed in American elections may be an impossible task. We may have only begun to see the consequenc­es of the damage.

 ?? Photograph: Carlos Barría/Reuters ?? Donald Trump at the Republican national convention in August. For years, Republican­s have used misleading and faulty data to suggest that elections are at risk of fraud.
Photograph: Carlos Barría/Reuters Donald Trump at the Republican national convention in August. For years, Republican­s have used misleading and faulty data to suggest that elections are at risk of fraud.

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