The Guardian (USA)

Kevin McCarthy is as responsibl­e as anyone for his own downfall

- Andrew Gawthorpe

This week, Kevin McCarthy became the first speaker of the House of Representa­tives in history to be voted out of office. It was a fitting end to his speakershi­p, one in which McCarthy had served only at the pleasure of a nihilistic bloc of far-right Republican­s. It was little wonder, then, that he seemed almost jolly as he announced at a press conference that he didn’t intend to run for the office again.

Far more galling was McCarthy’s attempt at the same event to present himself, in contrast to those who ousted him, as some sort of force for moderation and reasonable­ness. The truth is that McCarthy has been at the cutting edge of his party’s descent into madness, encouragin­g its worst instincts and indulging its most destructiv­e personalit­ies. People sometimes say that the congressio­nal Republican party has become “ungovernab­le”. It’s more accurate to say that it has been deliberate­ly radicalize­d – and that Kevin McCarthy played a key role in that process.

Take a look down the list of recent Republican outrages and you’ll find McCarthy implicated at every turn. Flirting with birtherism? Check. Joking about physically attacking Nancy Pelosi, even after a violent mob stormed the Capitol to search for her? Check. Angrily demanding that other Republican­s defend Donald Trump after the leaked “Access Hollywood” tape, in which Trump seemed to admit to committing sexual assault? Yep, that was Kevin.

Perhaps most egregious have been McCarthy’s attempts to aid Trump in subverting the 2020 election, and then to minimize the January 6 insurrecti­on which followed. Just hours after the deadly attack on the Capitol, McCarthy voted to reject Biden’s lawful election, citing spurious conspiracy theories. Although McCarthy briefly condemned the violence of that day, he soon moved to reconcile with Trump and became a firm opponent of imposing any sort of accountabi­lity on those responsibl­e. In one of his most outrageous acts, he released thousands of hours of Capitol security video to Tucker Carlson, allowing the Fox News host to cherry-pick footage and spin the attack as merely a peaceful protest.

McCarthy also defended and elevated the very worst members of his own caucus, declining to endorse their opponents in primaries or to marginaliz­e them once they made it to the chamber. He was an early supporter of Marjorie Taylor Greene, the Georgia Republican who has supported QAnon conspiracy theories, called for prominent Democrats to be executed, and made racist and antisemiti­c remarks. Once she was seated, Greene emerged as one of McCarthy’s closest allies and his conduit to the Trumpian base. When Trump, Greene and other Republican­s called for an inquiry into the possibilit­y of impeaching Joe Biden over spurious allegation­s of corruption, McCarthy was happy to oblige.

Even on the more mundane issues of taxing and spending which ultimately led to his ouster, McCarthy did nothing to quiet his party’s worst instincts. The speaker supports the practice of using the annual vote on raising the debt ceiling to hold the government hostage, threatenin­g an economy-wrecking default in order to leverage policy concession­s. After using that tactic earlier this year to force Democrats into a deal which would cut spending, he then reneged on it and sent the country hurtling towards a government shutdown. His management of the chaos which ensued proved to be his downfall.

By actively working to radicalize the Republican party in so many different ways, McCarthy now bears as much responsibi­lity as anyone else for the abject state in which the Republican party finds itself. Embittered and delusional, Republican­s cannot pull themselves together enough to perform even the most basic tasks of governing. The speaker’s chair is vacant as the country heads towards another government shutdown, and Republican congressme­n have gone back to their districts to nurse their wounds for a week. When they return there’s no guarantee that they’ll be able to cohere around a new choice for speaker – or that whoever they pick will do a better job than McCarthy did.

Nobody should welcome this paralysis in the nation’s legislatur­e. But if there’s a bright spot in all of this, it’s the fact that Democrats are well-placed to make hay from the Republican­s’ selfinflic­ted wounds. Voters’ rejection of the Republican party’s radicaliza­tion is one of the reasons that Democrats did so well in the 2022 midterm elections. For all of the schadenfre­ude currently directed at Republican­s, it’s Democrats like Joe Biden and Nancy Pelosi who deserve credit for denying Republican­s a bigger majority and putting them in this bind to begin with. The struggle against Maga extremism has proven motivation­al for many voters,

and McCarthy only helped Democrats to make the case.

Ultimately, though, a two-party democracy cannot survive and prosper if one of its parties becomes so consumed by nihilism. It’s no surprise that Republican attacks on democracy and the basic norms of common decency make it so hard for them to navigate any task requiring compromise or reasonable­ness. But the corrosion that is eating away at their own ranks is unlikely to stop there. It’s also threatenin­g to damage the country, be it through a catastroph­ic debt default or another outpouring of violence. That threat will remain until a critical mass of Republican­s and their leaders will stand up and say: no more. Kevin McCarthy wouldn’t. Will anyone else?

Andrew Gawthorpe is a historian of the United States at Leiden University and the creator of America Explained, a podcast and newsletter

tors who represente­d a minority of the nation’s population. Third, these hardright justices are often deeply out of synch with a majority of the public. They’re far more opposed to abortion rights, business regulation­s, labor unions and government measures that advance economic and social justice.

Back in 1982 when I graduated from law school, many people thought the Rehnquist court was too conservati­ve, but no one questioned its legitimacy. But then came the Bush v Gore ruling in which the conservati­ve majority exerted its muscle in an extraordin­ary partisan fashion to deliver victory in the 2000 election to George W Bush – and thereby assure continued conservati­ve control of the court.

At his confirmati­on hearing, John Roberts famously said he would merely call balls and strikes as chief justice. But that statement has proven to be flatly untrue, an unfortunat­e curveball. As chief justice, Roberts has repeatedly gone far beyond calling balls and strikes, often in rulings that increased the Republican’s chances of winning elections. In Citizens United, Roberts engineered an atom bomb of a decision that blew up our campaign finance system and overturned century-old rules that sought to prevent corporatio­ns and the mega-rich from having undue sway over our politics and government. In Citizens United, the Roberts court did grievous damage to our democracy, helping transform our nation into a plutocracy where billionair­es’ money dwarfs the voices of average Americans.

Roberts also led the way in overturnin­g a pivotal part of the Voting Rights Act that required Alabama, South Carolina and other states with a dismal history of racial discrimina­tion to obtain pre-clearance from the federal government before they changed voting rules. Showing how out of touch he was with political realities, Roberts wrote a majority decision that essentiall­y said that racial discrimina­tion on voting matters was a thing of the past and that pre-clearance unduly interfered in those states’ internal affairs, despite their disturbing legacy of racism. That decision was one of supreme judicial arrogance, overturnin­g a law that the Senate passed 98 to 0 and the House passed 390 to 33 to extend the Voting Rights Act for 25 years.

Roberts handed the Republican­s another huge victory when he led the court in turning a blind eye to egregious gerrymande­ring. In doing so, Roberts gave a green light to brazen gerrymande­rs and minority rule, like that in Wisconsin where in a recent election, the Republican party won nearly two-thirds of state assembly seats even though its candidates received just 46% of the vote. The supreme court is supposed to safeguard America’s democracy for the ages, and we should all question the legitimacy of a court that in decision after decision has eroded our democracy in a way that favors one political party. (I should note that Roberts, embarrasse­d by the court’s headlong lurch to the right, recently sought to shore up the court’s flagging legitimacy by mustering a 5-4 majority to overturn an Alabama voting map that diluted Blacks’ voting power.)

Clarence Thomas’s corrupt behavior has raised concerns about the court’s legitimacy to new heights. As ProPublica reported, not only did rightwing billionair­e Harlan Crow provide Thomas with a free nine-day yacht vacation in Indonesia, but Crow has ferried him around on private jets, purchased properties belonging to Thomas and his relatives and paid private school tuition for a grandnephe­w Thomas was raising. Separately, Thomas was flown to California to be the star attraction at a far-right Koch network fundraisin­g weekend. Flouting ethics laws, Thomas disclosed none of this.

Thomas seems to see a judge’s lifetime tenure as a license to skirt ethics and disclosure laws as well as a lifetime pass to take lavish favors from whomever he wants, even people with cases before the supreme court. As for Alito, he didn’t disclose that billionair­e Paul Singer, who later had cases before the supreme court, paid for his luxury fishing trip to Alaska.

For decades, the nation’s law schools have taught aspiring lawyers about the importance of judicial restraint and humility, of not overreachi­ng. At a time when so many Americans are questionin­g the court’s legitimacy, the court should try all the harder to act with restrain and humility – and caution. Instead, the conservati­ve supermajor­ity, enamored with its power, seems intent on acting boldly and overreachi­ng to stamp its rightwing vision on our constituti­onal order. These unelected justices seem happy to hobble our democratic­ally elected president, in ways large and small, and in doing so, to dangerousl­y undermine our democracy.

Steven Greenhouse is an American labor and workplace journalist and writer

 ?? Photograph: J Scott Applewhite/AP ?? ‘Take a look down the list of recent Republican outrages and you’ll find McCarthy implicated at every turn.’
Photograph: J Scott Applewhite/AP ‘Take a look down the list of recent Republican outrages and you’ll find McCarthy implicated at every turn.’
 ?? ?? The supreme court building. Photograph: Anadolu Agency/Getty Images
The supreme court building. Photograph: Anadolu Agency/Getty Images

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States