The Guardian (USA)

‘This is her opportunit­y’: governor Kathy Hochul could forever unmask New York’s financial criminals

- Rebecca Burns

A corporate lobbying group backed by Koch Industries is quietly pressing the Democratic New York governor, Kathy Hochul, not to sign a landmark transparen­cy bill unmasking the owners of shell corporatio­ns involved in financial crimes, wage theft and tenant abuses.

High-profile real estate donors to Hochul’s campaign also oppose new disclosure requiremen­ts for limited liability companies, or LLCs, a notoriousl­y opaque corporate structure that can thwart attempts at both civil and criminal law enforcemen­t by concealing owners’ true identities.

Hochul has yet to say whether she will sign the bill, passed by the New York legislatur­e in June, requiring LLCs to report that informatio­n – and creating a first-in-the-nation database providing public access to it.

Since taking office in 2021, Hochul has accepted nearly $2.1m in campaign contributi­ons from real estate and other companies registered as LLCs, according to a Guardian review of state records.

While many businesses incorporat­e as LLCs to take advantage of perfectly legal tax benefits and liability protection­s, federal anti-money-laundering authoritie­s call the entities “inherently vulnerable to abuse”. As such, they are often the vehicles of choice for money launderers, tax cheats and a host of other actors seeking to remain in the shadows.

High earners create fake companies with no purpose other than to move money and dodge income taxes. Bad bosses attempt to hide serial wage theft within an alphabet-soup of subsidiari­es. Anonymous owners are especially pervasive in the real estate market, where foreign oligarchs stash their ill-gotten cash in luxury condos and high-profile property owners obscure their business dealings through a web of difficult-to-trace entities.

Last month, a coalition of housing, labor and transparen­cy groups rallied alongside state lawmakers to urge Hochul to sign the LLC transparen­cy act, which mirrors – but exceeds – new federal disclosure requiremen­ts set to take effect next year.

Among the groups pushing Hochul in the opposite direction is the darkmoney-funded National Federation of Independen­t Business (NFIB), which does not disclose its donors but has in the past received at least $2.5m from sources linked to the Koch network. The self-described “voice of small business” is known for opposing regulation­s ranging from Obamacare to paid sick days to child labor laws – and in its most recent New York lobbying disclosure,

NFIB reported lobbying Hochul directly on the corporate transparen­cy bill.

In July testimony before Congress, the NFIB vice-president, Kevin Kuhlman, called corporate disclosure requiremen­ts a “massive government dragnet” and warned that “small businesses will be named and shamed by those who do not agree with their business practices or political positions”.

Advocates say that the United States is already a global outlier when it comes to the secrecy afforded to corporate entities.

In 2019, transparen­cy researcher­s concluded that all 50 US states required more personal informatio­n to obtain a library card than to create a company. New York’s bill, if signed, would provide the public with the legal name, business address and birth year of LLCs’ socalled “beneficial owners” – the person or people ultimately controllin­g the entity – with waivers available in the case of legitimate safety or privacy concerns.

“In the rest of the world, this is largely public informatio­n,” said Erica Hanichak, the government affairs director at the Fact Coalition, a corporate-transparen­cy group. “The public deserves to understand who owns and participat­es in their communitie­s.”

Nationwide, about 15% of rental properties are owned by LLCs or related entities, according to data from the US Census Bureau. It is increasing­ly common for tenants to find themselves in the dark about who their landlord is, never mind how to contact them or take them to court if needed.

In Manhattan, a recent data analysis found that nearly 40% of properties are owned by LLCs, making the area a hot spot for both illicit real estate practices and more run-of-the-mill predatory ones. A 2018 BuzzFeed investigat­ion uncovered that more than onefifth of residentia­l condos in Trumpowned developmen­ts – and a full 77% in one Manhattan building – were allcash purchases by LLCs and other anonymous shell companies, telltale signs of possible money laundering.

The real estate lobby has also mounted some of the fiercest opposition to New York’s enhanced corporate transparen­cy requiremen­ts. After reportedly working behind the scenes to kill a previous version of the transparen­cy bill, the Real Estate Board of New York (Rebny), which represents developers in New York City, reported spending $84,000 on lobbying this year on legislatio­n including the LLC reporting measures.

While few individual firms have adopted a public position, Tishman Speyer, a mega- developer of luxury condos and other real estate, also reported lobbying on the bill. The firm and its executives have contribute­d more than $150,000 to Hochul’s campaign fund.

Rebny was not opposed to disclosure of ownership informatio­n to regulators and law enforcemen­t, said Zach Steinberg, the group’s senior vice-president of policy, in a statement emailed to the Guardian.

“However, the legislatio­n passed in New York takes the unnecessar­y and harmful step of creating a publicly available database which creates privacy and identity theft risks for New Yorkers and risks weakening New York’s economy,” he said.

Tishman Speyer did not respond to the Guardian’s request for comment.

Real estate interests are among the largest donors to Hochul’s 2026 re-election campaign, with multiple executives at major firms maxing out their contributi­ons, according to a recent report in City & State.

Asked by the Guardian about the contributi­ons and her position on the bill, a spokespers­on for Hochul said she would review the legislatio­n.

If signed into law, New York’s transparen­cy measures could shed light on shadowy real estate actors – and help fill a critical gap left by forthcomin­g federal requiremen­ts set to take effect next year.

In 2021, Congress overrode a Trump veto to pass the Corporate Transparen­cy Act, a sweeping overhaul of the nation’s anti-money-laundering regime that tasked federal regulators with creating a company-ownership registry.

Amid a furious corporate backlash – NFIB reported spending more than $2.3m on issues including opposition to the federal bill from 2019-2020 – the final version included several substantia­l loopholes that advocates warned could weaken its effectiven­ess. Among them, the new law mandated that ownership be maintained in a “secure, nonpublic database” accessible to law enforcemen­t – but not to researcher­s, journalist­s or other civil society groups hoping to follow the money.

Advocates are hoping that New York’s public database will begin to pull back the curtain on shell companies. That’s exactly what concerns opponents.

With federal corporate transparen­cy requiremen­ts set to take effect in January, regulators are still finalizing a rule governing the security of and access to the informatio­n. In July testimony before a House subcommitt­ee on illicit finance, NFIB’s Kuhlman called on Congress to repeal the federal transparen­cy legislatio­n before it takes effect, citing New York’s proposed measures as evidence of a slippery slope.

“Transparen­cy advocates will continue to push to expand [beneficial ownership informatio­n] reporting requiremen­ts,” Kuhlman said. “Please resist calls to make the federal beneficial ownership database public.”

NFIB did not respond to a request for comment.

In New York, housing advocates who will be blocked from accessing federal ownership data hope that a state registry will make it easier to hold landlords accountabl­e.

At present, tenants seeking help from the courts over poor building conditions frequently hit a dead end when asked to provide their landlord’s address, according to Andrea Shapiro, the director of programs and advocacy at the Metropolit­an Council on Housing, a tenants’ rights organizati­on.

“If you pay your rent through an online portal, sometimes the only address you have is something like ‘123 Street LLC,’” Shapiro said. While it’s often technicall­y possible to locate the owner through public records research, she said: “It takes a lot of work, and many tenants won’t have the time, energy or knowledge.”

Among the most recent backers of the transparen­cy bill is the New York attorney general, Letitia James, who wrote on the social media platform X that it would “help protect New Yorkers from bad landlords, wage theft, tax cheats, and corruption”.

Last year, James reached a $4m settlement with 29 separate LLCs – all affiliated with a single real estate firm – that she alleged had illegally deregulate­d rent-regulated units within the 2,500 apartments they owned citywide. Tenant advocates say that landlords regularlyd­eploy single-address LLCs to disguise patterns of bad behavior across multiple buildings.

With prominent state politician­s on board, along with unions and housing and transparen­cy groups, the bill’s sponsors are hopeful that Hochul will act on the bill before the end of the year, at which point it would become subject to an automatic veto within 30 days.

“The breadth of this coalition is a testament to how many facets of society and the economy are impacted by secret shell companies,” the Democratic assembly member Emily Gallagher, one of the bill’s chief sponsors, told the Guardian. “Now we are looking to Governor Hochul. She came into office promising a new era of transparen­cy. This is her opportunit­y.”

 ?? ?? Since taking office in 2021, Governor Kathy Hochul has accepted nearly $2.1m from LLCs. Photograph: Hans Pennink/AP
Since taking office in 2021, Governor Kathy Hochul has accepted nearly $2.1m from LLCs. Photograph: Hans Pennink/AP

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