Republicans seek winning strategy on abortion for 2024 – with Democrats also in a tricky spot
As the 2024 election season ramps up, Republicans continue to struggle to find a winning national strategy on the flashpoint issue of abortion – where restricting the procedure has animated the conservative movement for half a century but tormented the party since the fall of Roe.
The supreme court’s decision to overturn Roe v Wade delivered Republicans one of their most significant policy victories in a generation. But in the year and a half since the Dobbs v Jackson Women’s Health Organization, the ruling has also become one of their biggest political vulnerabilities.
Over the last 18 months, voters have favored abortion rights in seven consecutive ballot measures, including in conservative states. Republicans underperformed in the 2022 midterm elections while Democrats scored offyear election wins in Wisconsin, Kentucky
and Virginia – results that again emphasized the enduring power of abortion rights.
Now the presidential election year brings a further huge test.
“With abortion, there’s really a kind of catch-22 for Republicans,” said Mary Ziegler, a law professor at the University
of California, Davis and a leading expert on the history of abortion in the US. “On the one hand, you have a lot of base Republican voters who really care about opposing abortion and on the other you have a huge group of something like 70% of Americans who don’t like abortion bans.”
The US supreme court meanwhile set the stage for another major showdown over abortion rights, this time just months before the 2024 presidential election. The court has agreed to decide a case that could determine the accessibility of a widely used abortion pill, including in states where the procedure remains legal.
But whether abortion will continue to fuel Democratic victories in a presidential election year is also unclear.
Despite delivering a long list of anti-abortion victories, voters tend to view the Republican frontrunner Donald Trump, a thrice-married former Democrat from New York, as less socially conservative than his rivals, says Gunner Ramer, political director for the anti-Trump Republican Accountability Pac.
“Donald Trump likes to stoke culture wars and own the libs but on social issues he’s seen as more moderate,” Ramer said, adding: “If Trump is the nominee, Democrats are in a much trickier position on abortion.”
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For decades, the Republican party championed the mission of the anti-abortion movement – to overturn Roe – without clearly articulating what would follow. Now they are contending with the real-world consequences: pregnancy resulting from rape and incest, life-threatening complications, fatal fetal conditions and miscarriages that require the procedure.
Sixteen states now ban abortion at
conception or after six weeks, before many women know they’re pregnant. Among them is Texas, where Kate Cox, a pregnant woman whose fetus was diagnosed with a fatal condition, was forced to leave the state this month to receive an abortion after Ken Paxton, the state’s Republican attorney general, threatened legal action – “including first-degree felony prosecutions” – against doctors or anyone else who assisted in performing the procedure. The Texas supreme court ultimately ruled against Cox’s request to have an emergency abortion in the state.
Seizing on the turn of events, top officials on Joe Biden’s re-election campaign assailed the “unspeakable reality” now facing women in states with limited or no access to abortion.
They drew a direct line to Donald Trump, the former president and likely Republican presidential nominee, blaming his appointment of three supreme court justices who cast decisive votes to overturn Roe.
“Kate had to leave her home state to seek the healthcare she urgently needs,” said Julie Chávez Rodriguez, Biden’s campaign manager. “This is happening right here in the United States of America and it’s happening because of Donald Trump.”
In the increasingly noncompetitive race for the Republican presidential nomination, disagreements among the White House hopefuls over how to approach or even talk about abortion reflect a wide lack of unity within the GOP on the issue.
Trump, in conspicuous fashion, is trying to have it both ways. He has blamed conservative activists’ uncompromising positions on “the abortion issue” for costing Republicans at the ballot box while touting his antiabortion legacy to the party’s socially conservative base.
In Iowa, which launches the Republican presidential primary contest next month, Trump is running ads declaring himself “the most pro-life president ever”. But on the major litmus test for anti-abortion activists – support for a national ban – he has been noncommittal.
At a CNN town hall this month, Ron
DeSantis, the Florida governor who is challenging Trump for the nomination, accused the former president of “flipflopping on the pro-life issue”. Trump has said DeSantis made a “terrible mistake” when the governor signed into law earlier this year a six-week abortion ban. Pressed to commit to a national standard, DeSantis has said he would support a federal ban on abortion after 15 weeks of pregnancy.
Nikky Haley, the former United Nations ambassador and the only woman in the race, has sought a different tack, calling for “consensus” and “compassion”. Haley, who as governor of South Carolina in 2016 signed a 20-week ban, has suggested that as president she would enact any abortion restrictions that reached her desk, but said such measures were unlikely in the narrowly divided and deeply polarized Congress.
Chris Christie, the former New Jersey governor who is running for president, is incredulous that Republicans are calling for federal action on abortion after waging a 50-year legal battle to return the issue to the states.
“I trust the people of this country, state by state, to make the call for themselves,” he said during a recent debate.
It’s a view shared by the entrepreneur and author Vivek Ramaswamy, who opposes a federal ban but says he supports state laws outlawing abortion after six weeks.
Among the Republican presidential candidates, the two most avowed abortion opponents Mike Pence, the former vice-president, and Tim Scott, the South Carolina senator, have already exited the race.
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Furthering the divide, leading antiabortion groups are pressuring Republican candidates to back a national ban starting at least at 15 weeks of pregnancy if not earlier, while some party strategists are advising them to clearly state their opposition to any such federal limit.
In a post-election memo Marjorie Dannenfelser, president of the powerful anti-abortion group Susan B Anthony Pro-Life America, said the losses were “major disappointments for the pro-life movement” and “warning signs for the GOP”.
“It is long past due for the GOP to define where it stands on the issue nationally,” she wrote. “Having a clear position and contrasting it isn’t enough – campaigns and the party must put real advertising dollars behind it, going toe-to-toe with the Democrats.”
Her group has urged candidates to support a federal ban on abortions after 15 weeks of gestation at a minimum or risk losing its endorsement.
Ronna McDaniel, chair of the Republican National Committee, has criticized Republicans for not confronting the issue more aggressively. “You can’t hide in a corner and think abortion’s not going to be an issue,” she said on NBC News in November, adding: “We can’t just say it’s a state’s issue and be done.”
Others have urged candidates to emphasize its support for exceptions, while expressing more compassion and empathy when discussing what can be a deeply personal – and in some cases medically advisable – decision. Still, some say its a matter of semantics, suggesting Republicans avoid terms like “pro-life” and “ban”.
According to Politico, a group of prominent Republican pollsters suggested candidates change the subject, presenting polling to members of Congress that showed they could sharpen their appeal with women and independent voters by focusing on protecting contraception rather than banning abortion.
“Abortion is, as the courts decided, an issue for states to decide, not the federal government,” states the campaign website for Kari Lake, who is expected to be the Republican Senate nominee in the race for Kyrsten Sinema’s seat. It’s a retreat from her position as a candidate for governor in 2022, when the far-right Republican cast herself as an outspoken ally of the antiabortion movement and embraced Arizona’s territorial-era law that would ban nearly all abortions in the state.
Lake is one of several Republican candidates running in battleground Senate races who have adjusted their stance – and their rhetoric – on the issue.
Meanwhile in the House, now led by Mike Johnson, the Louisiana congressman, one of the chamber’s staunchest anti-abortion crusaders, vulnerable Republicans have sought to distance themselves from absolutists in the party.
“The supreme court needs to stand down,” said Mike Lawler, a New York Republican who represents a district Biden won in 2020, in response to the high court’s decision to take up the abortion pill case. In a statement, he emphasized his opposition to a national ban.
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As Republicans struggle, Democrats say the problem is taking positions that are deeply unpopular with the American public.
When Democrats won full control of the Virginia state legislature in November, the Republican governor, Glenn Youngkin, declared support for what he called a “reasonable” 15-week abortion ban.
That same night Andy Beshear, the Democratic Kentucky governor, won re-election after his campaign ran a powerful ad featuring a woman who was raped by her stepfather as a child. In the video, she criticized Daniel Cameron, Beshear’s Republican opponent, for supporting Kentucky’s neartotal abortion ban, which does not include exceptions in cases involving rape or incest.
And in beet-red Ohio, 56.6% of voters chose to enshrine abortion rights in the state constitution.
“In every election since the overturning of Roe, voters have sent a resounding message: they want more freedom, not less – and come 2024, Republicans will once again face the repercussions of their unrelenting crusade to strip away our rights,” Sarafina Chitika, a spokesperson for the Democratic National Committee, said in a statement.
At the state-level, abortion-related ballot initiatives could help Democrats mobilize Republican women and independent voters who have helped make up their winning coalition in the years since Trump was elected.
Building on the success of abortion-related ballot initiatives, abortion rights advocates are working to put the issue before voters in battleground states, including Arizona and Florida. An effort is also underway in Montana, where Democrats hope a constitutional amendment enshrining abortion protections could boost turnout and help one of the party’s most vulnerable incumbent senators, Jon Tester, win re-election.
As long as abortion is severely restricted in large swaths of the country where Republicans hold power, candidates at the national level will likely struggle to convince voters that they have moderated on the issue, even if they now champion later-stage “consensus” limits and exceptions, Ziegler said.
“If the pro-life movement has a different agenda that they continue to pursue in a large swath of the country, national Republicans either have to say, ‘that’s not what we’re doing. We’re not for that’; or they’re going to be associated with that,” she said.
Even so, the road ahead for Democrats is not straightforward.
A string of recent surveys found a mixed picture: Biden is trailing Trump nationally and in several swing states. In a Wall Street Journal poll, voters said Trump was better equipped to handle most major policy issues with the exception of abortion, which Biden led by a double-digit margin.
The Biden campaign has vowed to put abortion front and center this election cycle. They have argued that Trump – or any of his Republican rivals – would seek to ban abortion as president, possibly through policy changes that would not require congressional approval as some conservatives have proposed.
There are risks to the strategy, especially if Trump is the nominee, says Ramer, from the anti-Trump Republican Accountability Pac.
Ramer says there was a key dynamic in play in 2022. While Democrats harnessed voter fury over the loss of constitutional abortion rights, he said they were helped by Republicans, who nominated candidates with “extreme” absolutist positions on the issue, such as Doug Mastriano in Pennsylvania and Tudor Dixon in Michigan.
That may not continue in 2024. “Abortion is a very nuanced issue for voters,” he said. “And the economy, at the end of the day, is more top of mind for Republicans and swing-state voters.”
shifted local weather patterns and reshaped sensitive island ecosystems, is further complicating matters, said Rachel Kingsley. As an outreach associate with the Maui Forest Bird Recovery Project, a conservation organization, she has been involved in efforts to recover the critically endangered cousins of the birds declared extinct this year.
“Many of the same threats faced by the birds that were recently declared extinct are the same ones threatening our forest birds now,” Kingsley said. “Within the last handful of years, the threat of malaria has really increased dramatically.”
To combat the disease, which is spread by mosquitoes that were probably introduced via European ships in the early 19th century, a coalition of federal and state officials and nonprofit groups are releasing mosquitoes with a special strain of bacterium that can suppress the insects’ ability to reproduce. But in the meantime, warmer temperatures have expanded the mosquitoes’ range, pushing them into higher elevations, leaving forest birds with little refuge. “Unfortunately, it seems like the fast forward button kind of got pushed down on us,” said Kingsley.
Global heating has also fueled extreme weather, exacerbated drought and wildfire risk, further imperilling the islands’ forest birds. This year, the devastating blaze that destroyed the town of Lahaina nearly engulfed a conservation centre for some of the world’s rarest birds, including the ‘akikiki, a species of honeycreeper that is considered the most endangered bird in the US. The fire came within about 150 feet of the property before conservationists were able to fight it off.
For the scientists fighting to save them from extinction, bearing witness to their decline can be a profound and devastating responsibility. In his nearly 50-year career, Jim Jacobi, a biologist with the Pacific Island Ecosystems Research Center, has been one of the last people on earth to ever see at least four birds that are now considered extinct. In 1984, he was one of the last people to ever hear the song of the Kaua i ō ō.
“I still get goosebumps – the hair in the back of my neck stands up when I think about it,” he said. He and two other researchers had hiked out to a remote forest in Kauai when they heard it. “That Oo’oo – oo-auh sound.
“It was just amazing – very flutelike,” he recalled. He immediately turned on his recorder to capture the song.
The bird flitted away – but a few moments later, when they hiked down to an old nest tree, they heard it again. Jacobi wanted to make sure his recorder was ready and working, so he rewound the tape and played it back.
Suddenly, ō ō came soaring toward the researchers, singing its mellifluous song. It came so close that they didn’t need binoculars to see its glossy black feathers, and the peek of yellow at its tail.
“I thought, wow, this is fantastic!” Sincock said. Almost immediately, he deflated. The ō ō had been drawn to a recording of its own voice – thinking it was another bird. “It came because it thought it heard something that it probably hadn’t heard for a long time – another of its kind,” he said. This bird was perhaps the last of his species, singing for a mate that would never come.
Kaua i ō ō was one of many ō ō birds that lived throughout many parts of the Hawaiian islands. Its delisting marks the only complete loss of an entire avian family in modern times.
Its cousins on the Big Island, Oahu and Moloka i had even grander tail feathers that were once used to construct the cloaks and capes worn by Hawaiian royalty, explained Jonee Peters, executive director of the Conservation Council for Hawaii. Hunters would collect the feathers without harming the birds, during the moulting season – using skills and knowledge that have all but faded away.
“What makes us Hawai’ian is the collective experiences of ourselves and of our ancestors,” said Noah Gomes, a native bird expert and historian based in Hilo, Hawaii. “We’re losing something of ourselves when these birds disappear.”
Mourning lost species
The federal government first proposed removing nearly two dozen species from the endangered species list in 2021. Until then, only 11 other species had ever been delisted because of extinction in the 50 years since the ESA took effect.
“The news just made me so sad,” said Tierra Curry, a conservation biologist with the Center for Biological Diversity. “I had all these feelings back then and I needed to process them.”
So she organised a wake. She and a colleague wrote eulogies for each species, noting that the little Mariana fruit bat, “wasn’t all that little, actually”, and marvelling at how the inch-long San Marcos gambusia made a home for itself in a half-mile, slow-flowing section of the upper San Marcos River in Texas. During a virtual ceremony, as volunteers read out the tributes, she lit prayer candles embossed with each species’ image. “I thought about how I would grieve for a friend – and of course we would have a ceremony, and talk about them,” she said.
She also thought about how she could honour their memory. “It’s important to make space for grief, because grief is a rational response to what is happening to the planet,” Curry said. “But it’s also important to not dwell there. As I lit the candles for each extinct species, I also focused on what I could do to save the ones that are still here.”
When the Fish and Wildlife Services finalised its decision to declare the species extinct this year, Curry resolved to advocate for more conservation funding and a strengthening of the Endangered Species Act. This year has put renewed scrutiny on the landmark legislation and whether it is enough to fight the staggering rate of biodiversity loss.
In many cases, Curry said, the species that were declared extinct this year had been listed under the Endangered Species Act (ESA) too late. The flat pigtoe mussel, for example, only gained ESA protections in 1987 – seven years after it was last seen in the wild, and more than a decade after construction began on a dam that experts agreed would imperil its population.
In other cases, species are protected – but scientists lack the funding and resources needed to recover them. A 2016 study by CBD found that Congress only provides about 3.5% of the funding that the Fish and Wildlife Service’s own scientists estimate is needed to recover species.
The Endangered Species Act has helped bring some species – such as the bald eagle – back from the brink. “But in some ways, the ESA is like having an emergency room and intensive care unit, without providing regular immunizations and check-ups,” said Safina.
The scope of the extinction crisis, he said, “is completely overwhelming to the capacity of the human mind to actually know and understand”.
Amid a worsening climate crisis and rapid deforestation and habitat loss, nearly all of nature needs urgent action and protection. It is nearly impossible for us to fathom how quickly, how many species are disappearing, Safina added. “And so the endeavour of stopping this crisis becomes more of a religious kind of experience than a scientific one, in a sense, more moral than practical.”
We’re losing something of ourselves when these birds disappear