The Guardian (USA)

We Are Free to Change the World: Hannah Arendt’s Lessons in Love and Disobedien­ce – review

- Joe Moshenska

In Minima Moralia – the fragmented, maddeningl­y difficult book of 1951 in which TW Adorno asked what kind of good life it is possible to live in a fragmented, maddeningl­y difficult world – the German philosophe­r wrote: “Repudiatio­n of the present cultural morass presuppose­s sufficient involvemen­t in it to feel it itching in one’s fingertips, so to speak, but at the same time the strength, drawn from this involvemen­t, to dismiss it.” Adorno was wrestling with the proper stance to be assumed by the intellectu­al, who could neither afford to be so removed from their milieu as to lose sight of it altogether, nor so immersed in it that they would drown in its particular­s. How could a politicall­y engaged thinker be just close, and just distant, enough?

There was no love lost between Adorno and Hannah Arendt, the subject of Lyndsey Stonebridg­e’s compelling and original new book. Arendt blamed him, somewhat unfairly, for failing to help their mutual friend Walter Benjamin escape the Nazis, precipitat­ing his devastatin­g suicide, and once proclaimed, when her husband suggested inviting Adorno for dinner, “Der kommt uns nicht ins Haus!” – “That one’s not coming into our house!” The dilemma that Adorno so brilliantl­y articulate­d, however, was also the one that Arendt faced. As German Jews of the same generation, both were steeped in the philosophi­cal and cultural traditions of their homeland. When the Nazis rose to power and it became clear that this society could produce not just Kant and Beethoven but Himmler and Kristallna­cht, both fled to the US. Both questioned whether the traditions they had absorbed, not just of Germany but of European thought stretching back to ancient Greece, could be used to understand the obscenitie­s through which they were living, or were inadequate – even complicit – with them.

As Stonebridg­e shows, what distinguis­hed Arendt was her determinat­ion to gather up the fragments of these political and philosophi­cal traditions and to reinvent them. Educated in philosophy by Husserl, Heidegger and Jaspers, but above all by her own voracious reading and passionate­ly individual adventures in thought, Arendt brought this erudition and rigour to bear on the political turmoil of the mid-20th century. Her deepest concerns were with the nature of human beginnings – with the innovation­s and surprises of which people are capable, and the futures that their acts make possible; with the fact of human plurality– the fundamenta­l variety of our common and fragile life that makes true thought possible; and with the possibilit­y of love, which is for Arendt, as Stonebridg­e elegantly puts it, “the infinitely precious apprehensi­on of and pleasure in human otherness… Love is the pre-political condition of us being together in the world in the first place”. Arendt clung on to these key commitment­s with the opposite of naive idealism. They were the basis of her lifelong exploratio­n of the ways in which nazism and totalitari­anism deform and nullify these fundamenta­l capacities, and of the beleaguere­d but revolution­ary possibilit­ies that nonetheles­s remain. Her very way of being – idiosyncra­tic and original, while still feeling the shared world itching at her fingertips – embodied these ideals.

The pressing relevance of Arendt’s work was suggested when her sprawling magnum opus, The Origins of Totalitari­anism, shot up the bestseller lists following Donald Trump’s election in 2016. Stonebridg­e’s bookis an interestin­g generic mixture that itself feels like a sign of the times: it combines biography, critical assessment of Arendt’s legacy, practical handbook for action (six of the 10 chapters begin “How to…”), and musings on the current geopolitic­al situation. Stonebridg­e is cleareyed on the limitation­s as well as the scope of Arendt’s vision, confrontin­g head-on the aspects that have perplexed or outraged her recent readers. She acknowledg­es Arendt’s appalling blind-spot when it came to analysing race in her adopted homeland, especially her shocking criticisms of the parents of Elizabeth Eckford – one of the Little Rock Nine – the black teen who was attacked and abused for attending a newly integrated school.

Stonebridg­e is equally critical, but more understand­ing, of Arendt’s continued relationsh­ip with her philosophi­cal mentor and erstwhile lover Heidegger long after his committed nazism had become common knowledge. And she rightly defends Arendt against the anger aimed at her famous account of the trial of Adolf Eichmann and the banality of his evil. Arendt, she shows, never claimed that Eichmann did not know what he was doing, but rather skewered the fundamenta­l limitation­s of thought and imaginatio­n that made his actions possible. While Stonebridg­e is too tactful to assert it openly, the generic mixtures of the book are partly inspired by Arendt herself, whose own “rare talent for literary biography” – from her early book on the Jewish salonnière­Rahel Varnhagen to the study of Eichmann – was of a piece with her central principles: “Being able to think from another’s point of view was a lifelong ethical, intellectu­al and political commitment.”

If Stonebridg­e’s analytical tact is a virtue when it comes to unpicking Arendt’s complexiti­es, it also limits the book’s hold on our present moment. The gestures towards our current predicamen­ts are powerful, but often vague. The threats of resurgent totalitari­anism are largely restricted to references to Trump and Putin – figures so cartoonish­ly appalling that the danger they represent is almost too obvious, too easy to agree about. Perhaps further specifics would have limited the scope of Stonebridg­e’s book, made it date more quickly, but I expected both a more global perspectiv­e – neither Bolsonaro nor Orbán, to mention only the most obvious recent examples, garner a mention – and a more local one, given that Stonebridg­e is British and UK-based, and the current state of British politics seems so obviously to cry out for an Arendtian reading. I found it impossible to read Arendt’s defence of politics as a space for thinking meaningful­ly with others without lamenting the terms on which the looming general election will be contested. What would Arendt have said of a vicious government determined to deport refugees to another continent, and an opposition so timorous that it attacks only the cost of the scheme, not the underlying evil? Furthermor­e – while these events are too recent for the book to have addressed them directly – when neither major party can respond to the horrors unfolding in Gaza with even the bare minimum of calling for a cessation of hostilitie­s, how can we avoid what Stonebridg­e calls “a fatal collapse into cynicism”?

Joe Moshenska is professor of English literature at Oxford University We Are Free to Change the World: Hannah Arendt’s Lessons in Love and Disobedien­ce by Lyndsey Stonebridg­e is published by Jonathan Cape (£22). To support the Guardian and Observer order your copy at guardianbo­okshop.com. Delivery charges may apply

The current state of British politics seems so obviously to cry out for an Arendtian reading

 ?? ?? ‘Her work shot up the bestseller lists following Donald Trump’s election’: political theorist Hannah Arendt in 1949. Photograph: Dpa Picture Alliance/Alamy
‘Her work shot up the bestseller lists following Donald Trump’s election’: political theorist Hannah Arendt in 1949. Photograph: Dpa Picture Alliance/Alamy
 ?? ?? The threats of resurgent totalitari­anism are largely restricted to references to Trump and Putin. Photograph: Evan Vucci/AP
The threats of resurgent totalitari­anism are largely restricted to references to Trump and Putin. Photograph: Evan Vucci/AP

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