The Guardian (USA)

We are about to witness in Gaza the most intense famine since the second world war

- Alex de Waal

Gaza is already the most intense starvation catastroph­e of recent decades. The death toll from hunger and disease may soon surpass the body count from bombs and bullets.

The Famine Review Committee reported this week that Gaza is facing “imminent famine”.

The Integrated Phase Classifica­tion (IPC) system, set up 20 years ago, provides the most authoritat­ive assessment­s of humanitari­an crises. Its figures for Gaza are the worst ever by any metric. It estimates that 677,000 people, or 32% of all Gazans, are in “catastroph­ic” conditions today and a further 41% are in “emergency” conditions. It expects fully half of Gazans, more than 1 million people, to be in “catastroph­e” or “famine” within weeks.

A parallel report from the Famine Early Warning System Network of the US Agency for Internatio­nal Developmen­t sounds the same alarm. It is the clearest warning that the network has given at any time in its 40-year history.

A rule of thumb is that “catastroph­e” or “famine” conditions mean a daily death rate from from hunger or disease of two people out of 10,000. About half are children under five years old. The arithmetic is simple. For a population of 1 million, that is 200 deaths per day, 6,000 per month.

By way of comparison, the worst famine on the IPC record books struck Somalia in 2011, through a combinatio­n of war, drought and a shutoff in aid. At its nadir, 490,000 people were in “catastroph­e” conditions with a larger number in “emergency” conditions. An estimated 258,000 people perished over 18 months.

The only other occasion when IPC data showed famine was in South Sudan in 2017. Civil war plunged half the country’s 10 million people into a food emergency, with 90,000 suffering famine. About 1,500 people starved to death in the two districts devastated by famine, but four years of wider food emergency claimed about 190,000 lives.

The “famine” threshold is arbitrary. In the next-worst stage, that of “emergency” conditions, children are already dying of starvation. When experts first drew up a prototype “famine scale”, they had a lower bar for declaring famine, roughly equivalent to the IPC’s “emergency”, and included “severe” and “extreme” famine categories that correspond to the IPC’s “famine” conditions. They also included a measure of magnitude – total numbers affected and dying – and later considered duration too. Some food emergencie­s last years, with the death toll slowly accumulati­ng, without ever crossing the IPC’s “famine” threshold.

Famine was never declared for Yemen. But food emergency affecting millions over years of war caused as many as 250,000 starvation deaths. In the Tigray region of Ethiopia, the story is similar.

We are about to witness most intense famine since the second world war. It won’t be the biggest, because starvation is confined to the 2.2 million residents of the Gaza Strip.

Our picture of starvation is a stickthin child wasting away, whose eyes seem swollen as her skin shrinks to her bones. Some children suffer kwashiorko­r, acute malnutriti­on marked by a tell-tale swollen belly.

As the body starves, its immune system begins to fail. The malnourish­ed fall prey to waterborne infections and suffer diarrhoea, which causes devastatin­g dehydratio­n. Other communicab­le diseases – which today could include Covid – also ravage communitie­s. The most common cause of death in a famine is disease, not starvation as such.

“Starvation” is defined in internatio­nal criminal law as depriving people of objects indispensa­ble to survival. That includes not just food but also medicine, clean water, sanitation, shelter, cooking fuel and maternal care for children.

When people are driven from their homes into overcrowde­d camps, when water supplies are scarce or unclean, when toilets are nonexisten­t or unsanitary, when injuries are left untreated, disease outbreaks become more common and more deadly.

Lacking shelter and exposed to cold and rain in winter, and heat and dust in summer, people succumb to hunger and disease more quickly. Without electricit­y or cooking fuel, mothers cannot prepare meals that young children can readily digest.

Epidemiolo­gists in London and Baltimore have generated projection­s for the likely death toll in Gaza from all causes over the months to August. If epidemics are included, their “status quo” scenario projects a range of 48,210 to 193,180 deaths, while under the “with escalation” scenario those figures range even higher.

Gaza’s health crisis has its own dreadful momentum. Even if the shooting ends today and the aid trucks begin to roll, the dying will carry on for some time.

And even when the numbers of people needlessly dying dwindle, the scars of famine will endure.

Little children who survive starvation face lifelong deprivatio­n. They tend to grow up to be shorter than their peers and suffer reduced intellectu­al capacity. The World Health Organizati­on warns of an “inter-generation­al cycle of malnutriti­on” whereby infants with low birth weight or undernouri­shed girls grow into smaller and less healthy mothers. The damage caused by the 1944 Dutch hunger winter can still be observed generation­s on.

Famine is a social trauma too. It tears apart communitie­s and destroys livelihood­s. People are forced into the utmost indignitie­s, breaking taboos in what they can eat and how they can get the necessitie­s of life. Mothers have to ration the food they give to their children. They turn away hungry neighbours from their door. Families sell their most treasured heirlooms for a pittance to buy a meal.

What solace is it to tell parents who have buried their child that it was not their fault? Survivors’ anguish lasts a lifetime.

Such is the lingering sense of shame that people cannot speak openly about famine, sometimes for generation­s. It took almost 150 years before Ireland began publicly to commemorat­e the great hunger of the 1840s.

All of this is known. And in Gaza there is no margin of doubt.

In most famines, there’s a margin of uncertaint­y in prediction­s, because people may be able to find unexpected sources of food or money. In parts of rural Africa, grandmothe­rs may know about edible wild roots and berries or migrant workers may find creative ways of sending cash to their families. In Gaza, Israel knows every calorie that’s available. In 2008, the coordinato­r of government activities in the territorie­s calculated every aspect of Gaza’s food production and consumptio­n, in minute detail, and extracted the “red lines” needed to keep Palestinia­ns on what it called a “diet”, just short of starvation.

Until 7 October 2023, Israel was, according to its own analysis, just on the right side of the internatio­nal laws prohibitin­g starvation. About 500 truckloads of essentials entered every day to complement local farms, fisheries and livestock. In recent months, less than one-third of that number has been allowed to enter, while local food production has been reduced to almost zero.

Israel has had ample warning of what will happen if it continues its campaign of destroying everything necessary to sustain life. The IPC’s Famine Review Committee report on 21 December authoritat­ively warned of starvation if Israel did not cease destructio­n and failed to allow humanitari­an aid at scale. Israel’s own judge nominated to sit at the internatio­nal court of justice, Aharon Barak, voted with the court’s majority in favour of “immediate and effective measures to enable the provision of urgently needed basic services and humanitari­an assistance”.

Israel has not changed course. The supplies entering Gaza are woefully short of the minimum calories Israel specified before the war. American airdrops of supplies and an emergency port are a pitiful pretence of a substitute.

Famine is unfolding in Gaza today. We should not have to wait until we count the graves of children to speak its name.

Alex de Waal is a writer on humanitari­an issues, conflict and peace, and an expert on the Horn of Africa. He is executive director of the World Peace Foundation and a research professor at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University in Massachuse­tts

Even when the numbers of people needlessly dying dwindle, the scars of famine will endure

legalisati­on referendum in 2018, he was seen as emblematic of a new and less conservati­ve Ireland.

Britain’s 2016 vote for Brexit overshadow­ed Mr Varadkar’s relations with both Belfast and London. He was seen with outright prejudice and suspicion by many Northern Ireland unionists and by some in the Tory party. “Typical Indian,” said the former Ulster Unionist MP Lord Kilclooney. “Why isn’t he called Murphy like the rest of them,” Boris Johnson was alleged to have sneered. A “venomous interloper” was one hardline unionist verdict on Thursday, while a Belfast newspaper dubbed Mr Varadkar “the greenest taoiseach in decades”.

Yet Mr Varadkar stood up both to the unionists and to London when it mattered. It is in no small way down to him that there is now no hard border between north and south. It is his genuine legacy that the revised Northern Ireland protocol remains the basis of UK-Irish trade relations to this day, in spite of perfidious efforts in Belfast and London to overturn it. He stood firm for the good relations with Ireland that are in Britain’s interests too – and he deserves our gratitude for it.

The resignatio­n of the often demonised Mr Varadkar may offer the prospect of a fresh start in relations between the newly re-establishe­d Northern Ireland executive in Belfast, under Michelle O’Neill and Emma Little-Pengelly, and Dublin. With the imminence of both a UK general election and an Irish one, that may be premature. A long-term reset in UK-Irish relations is much needed. But it will have to await both election outcomes, particular­ly if Sinn Féin becomes part of a new government in Dublin.

 ?? Photograph: AFP/Getty Images ?? ‘Famine is unfolding in Gaza today. We should not have to wait until we count the graves of children to speak its name.’
Photograph: AFP/Getty Images ‘Famine is unfolding in Gaza today. We should not have to wait until we count the graves of children to speak its name.’
 ?? Gaza. Photograph: Fatima Shbair/AP ?? Palestinia­n children wait for food on 16 February in Rafah,
Gaza. Photograph: Fatima Shbair/AP Palestinia­n children wait for food on 16 February in Rafah,

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