The Mercury News

Conservati­sm is officially dead, and extremism has replaced it

- By E.J. Dionne Jr. E.J. Dionne is a Washington Post columnist.

WASHINGTON >> It is time to say last rites over the American conservati­ve movement. After years of drifting steadily toward extreme positions, conservati­sm is dead, replaced by a far right that has the Republican Party under its thumb.

Conservati­sm is a complex creed, some of it less than appealing and some noble. The less attractive kind involves an ideology whose main purpose is to defend existing distributi­ons of power and wealth and to resist reforms that might redress the grievances of those facing discrimina­tion and marginaliz­ation.

Conservati­sm’s positive function is to warn against measures designed to fix things that are wrong but would undermine institutio­ns that are widely valued. Conservati­sm is supposed to be resistant to extremism precisely because it is, in principle, the antithesis of a revolution­ary creed. Conservati­sm is more about tweeds and a good scotch. Neither brings to mind incitement and divisive anger.

Yet for two decades, the tweedy sort of conservati­sm has been giving ground to the extremists who want not simply to defeat their adversarie­s but to crush them; who traffic in conspiracy theories rather than in respect for facts and history; and who are willing to destroy the very institutio­ns they claim to be trying to save.

The Conservati­ve Political Action Conference over the last several days was a clear demonstrat­ion of the far right’s success in displacing anything that deserves to be called conservati­ve.

Before Trump, it would have been shocking to see Marion Marechal-Le Pen, a leader of the French neo-fascist National Front, appear at the same event with traditiona­l conservati­ves like Vice President Mike Pence and Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Tex, and also with the president of the United States. But thanks to Trump, European-style ethno-nationalis­m has become so much a part of the movement that her visit seemed almost natural.

Encouragin­g responsibi­lity in the sale and use of firearms would seem to be a thoroughly conservati­ve cause, an effort to maintain order and protect the innocent from violence. But the National Rifle Associatio­n is one of the most powerful forces within the Republican Party and the conservati­ve movement. It uses paranoid rhetoric and incendiary attacks on its foes to justify riotously permissive firearms policies that no other democratic republic would dream of adopting.

Shamefully, Wayne LaPierre, the NRA’s top gun who is increasing­ly becoming America’s extremist in chief, showed few signs of being moved by the slaughter of high school students and teachers in Florida. He had the impudence to say that those who think it’s time for some modest reforms in our weapons statutes were “saboteurs” and “socialists” using the deaths of young people to forward a dangerous agenda.

The NRA is not exceptiona­l on the American right. It is what the right is all about.

In another CPAC speech, White House counsel Don McGahn said, “There is a coherent plan here where the judicial selection and the deregulato­ry effort are really the flip side of the same coin.” Remember when conservati­ves criticized the politiciza­tion of the judiciary? McGahn is describing a judicial branch that is little more than an instrument of right-wing executive power.

The movement toward extremism has been gradual, so it has not been sufficient­ly acknowledg­ed. But if those who still believe in moderation don’t face up to it now, they will be complicit in the far right’s ascendancy.

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