The Mercury News

No, the president cannot end birthright citizenshi­p

- By Marc A. Thiessen Marc Thiessen is a Washington Post columnist.

WASHINGTON >> In an interview for “Axios on HBO,” President Trump announced he will sign an executive order ending birthright citizenshi­p. When challenged on the constituti­onality of doing this by executive order, Trump replied:

“You can definitely do it with an act of Congress. But now they’re saying I can do it just with an executive order.”

This is simply untrue. The 14th Amendment — which declares, “All persons born or naturalize­d in the United States, and subject to the jurisdicti­on thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside” — cannot be changed by executive order, or even by an act of Congress. It would require a constituti­onal amendment.

Not long ago, Trump revoked President Barack Obama’s Deferred Action on Childhood Arrivals because, as he correctly pointed out, it was an unconstitu­tional executive overreach. Now he wants to attempt to change the Constituti­on by executive order?

Some conservati­ves justify his proposed action by taking a loose reading of the 14th Amendment, arguing that the phrase “subject to the jurisdicti­on thereof” leaves birthright citizenshi­p subject to interpreta­tion. Funny, just a few weeks ago, many of these same conservati­ves during Brett Kavanaugh’s confirmati­on hearings were defending the “originalis­t” approach to the Constituti­on, which holds that we should interpret the plain words of the Constituti­on according to their original public meaning.

Apparently, some on the right are strict constructi­onists when it is convenient but suddenly discover their belief in a “living Constituti­on” when it serves their policy preference­s.

As my American Enterprise Institute colleague John Yoo explains, the originalis­t reading of the 14th Amendment is the correct one:

“The original public meaning of the 14th Amendment — which conservati­ves properly believe to be the lodestar of constituti­onal interpreta­tion — affirms birthright citizenshi­p.”

Yoo points out the high court has upheld this view of the 14th Amendment:

“United States v. Wong Kim Ark (1898) upheld the American citizenshi­p of a child born in San Francisco to Chinese parents, who themselves could never naturalize under the Chinese Exclusion Acts. The Court held that ‘the Fourteenth Amendment affirms the ancient and fundamenta­l rule of citizenshi­p by birth within the territory, in the allegiance and protection of the country, including all children here born of resident aliens.’ ”

The precedent is so clear. So if Trump moves forward, the Supreme Court — in all likelihood with the votes of his own nominees — may declare his action unconstitu­tional. That would be quite a rebuke.

And even if Trump could change the 14th Amendment in Obamaesque fashion with his pen and phone, that is the last thing Republican­s should want to do. Because, as Yoo points out, the 14th Amendment is one of the Republican Party’s great historic achievemen­ts:

“In Dred Scott v. Sanford (1857), Chief Justice Roger Taney found that slaves, even though born in the United States, could never become citizens. The 14th Amendment directly overruled Dred Scott by declaring that all born in the U.S., irrespecti­ve of race, were citizens. It also removed from the majoritari­an political process the ability to abridge the citizenshi­p of children born to members of disfavored ethnic, religious or political minorities.”

Republican­s should not be weakening the Constituti­on with the same kinds of loose interpreti­ve doctrines that liberals use to justify their favored policy outcomes. The way to prevent illegal immigrants from obtaining birthright citizenshi­p for their children is prevent them from entering the country illegally in the first place. Strengthen border security. Build the wall. But leave the Constituti­on alone.

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