The Mercury News

Redistrict­ing cases offer blueprint for states

North Carolina court decisions could prompt similar lawsuits over congressio­nal maps

- By Gary D. Robertson and David A. Lieb

RALEIGH, N.C. » When the U.S. Supreme Court this year declared federal judges had no business deciding cases about political gerrymande­ring, it also said state courts had every right to address the issue — and have they ever in North Carolina.

Within four months, state judges hearing two separate cases struck down dozens of North Carolina legislativ­e districts and stopped the use of the congressio­nal district map in 2020 elections. In both cases, judges said evidence indicates Republican lawmakers violated the state constituti­onal rights of free elections, free speech and equality by shuffling Democratic voters into districts in ways that made it nearly impossible for the GOP to lose its majorities.

In response, the Republican­led General Assembly has redrawn its own districts and is likely in November to also reshape congressio­nal districts. That could lead to Democratic gains in next year’s elections.

The North Carolina court decisions could prompt similar lawsuits in other states challengin­g partisan gerrymande­rs on state constituti­onal grounds, particular­ly following the next round of mandatory redistrict­ing after the 2020 census.

“I would expect to see a large increase in the number of state court cases filed around the country in 2021,” said Paul Smith with the Campaign Legal Center in Washington, which has represente­d gerrymande­ring plaintiffs in North Carolina and Wisconsin.

The North Carolina judges said extreme political gerrymande­ring violates a free elections clause in the state constituti­on — the same reasoning cited by the Pennsylvan­ia Supreme Court when it struck down that state’s Republican-drawn congressio­nal map in January 2018.

North Carolina and Pennsylvan­ia

are among 30 states with similar state constituti­onal requiremen­ts for “free” elections, according to the National Conference of State Legislatur­es. Of those, 18 also require “equal” or “open” elections, and 15 further protect the right to vote from interferen­ce by “civil or military” powers.

This past week’s injunction against North Carolina’s congressio­nal districts also cited the state constituti­on’s guarantee of “equal protection” for all people and its right to free speech and associatio­n — common provisions in other state constituti­ons.

Similar cases in other states may hinge on whether judges — some of whom hold office under Republican or Democratic banners — are willing to act as assertivel­y as those in North Carolina.

“It’s not so much an issue of magic words or something like that,” said Michael Li, a redistrict­ing attorney at the Brennan Center for Justice at the New York University School of Law. “It’s really more whether courts are willing to take the values that may be in state constituti­ons and then apply them to an area that they’ve never applied it to.”

Some advocates would prefer permanent changes to how lines are drawn, through ballot initiative­s and legislatio­n that remove mapmaking power from legislator­s and gives it to independen­t commission­s.

“Litigation is a hard and painful road,” said Kathay Feng, national redistrict­ing director for Common Cause. The group was a plaintiff in the U.S. Supreme Court case decided in June , which also focused on North Carolina’s congressio­nal map. The goal, Feng said, is to “make changes where each 10 years we’re not facing that same uphill ... climb.”

 ?? GERRY BROOME — THE ASSOCIATED PRESS ?? A state districts map is shown in July as a three-judge panel of the Wake County Superior Court presides over a trial in Raleigh, N.C.
GERRY BROOME — THE ASSOCIATED PRESS A state districts map is shown in July as a three-judge panel of the Wake County Superior Court presides over a trial in Raleigh, N.C.

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