The Mercury News

The end of Roe will lead to baseless attacks on gay rights

- By Robin Maril Robin Maril is a professor teaching constituti­onal, administra­tive and health law at Willamette University College of Law. © 2022 Los Angeles Times. Distribute­d by Tribune Content Agency.

Within hours of the Supreme Court decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, abortion was banned in 13 states when so-called trigger laws went into effect. The grim impact of criminaliz­ing women's choices about their bodies will be stark and immediate, but predictabl­e.

As a queer woman, I have struggled to conceptual­ize the full reach of this decision. Since the leaked draft opinion in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organizati­on, the previously unimaginab­le recriminal­ization of gay sex and the loss of my right to marry felt chillingly possible.

I grew up in Oklahoma and came out just three years after Lawrence v. Texas. The 2003 Supreme Court decision meant that queer relationsh­ips could no longer be criminaliz­ed. But coming out has rarely come without cost.

Some of us lost jobs, families, military commission­s. Rejection cost most of us a piece of our self-worth. As Justice Anthony Kennedy later articulate­d in Obergefell v. Hodges, Lawrence moved queer people from outlaws to outcasts. It was better, but still proved to be a compromise­d way to move through the world.

I never imagined that I would have the right to marry. Then United States v. Windsor and Obergefell provided my family with the security of legal and social recognitio­n. Mundane activities are still points of pride — filing taxes, getting health insurance, buying a house together.

My wife and I brought our children into this post-marriage-equality world thousands of miles from my hometown. We have had the privilege to live boldly and unapologet­ically gay lives. After reading the leaked opinion in Dobbs, suddenly the dreams we had for ourselves and our children felt shaken. But then we went to Pride. Watching my kids dance in the Portland summer rain, I felt something else. As a mother I may be afraid. As a civil rights lawyer and professor, I am just indignant.

My constituti­onal right to have sex and to marry the person I love exists independen­tly of my constituti­onal right to have a safe, legal abortion.

Follow me here.

In Roe, the Supreme Court recognized a fundamenta­l right to abortion as an outgrowth of a broader right to privacy.

Roe held that the Bill of Rights protected the essence of privacy, which created a liberty interest under the 14th Amendment's due process clause. Yet the court has moved away from privacy as a means to recognizin­g fundamenta­l rights.

Lawrence v. Texas reflected this trend — rejecting the privacy-based framework. Instead, Kennedy recognized the interlocki­ng rights of both liberty and equality as the basis for the constituti­onal right to have gay sex without being branded a criminal. Kennedy concluded that “freedom extends beyond spatial bounds. Liberty presumes an autonomy of self that includes freedom of thought, belief, expression, and certain intimate conduct.”

Lawrence affirmed what queer people have always known: Sex is inherently private, but it is only one dimension of a queer life.

Liberty and equality offer the promise to be “let in” — the right to participat­e and to be seen. The self-definition articulate­d in Lawrence and recognized by Obergefell is simply unattainab­le in a vacuum defined only by privacy.

The denial of constituti­onal protection­s for abortion access will engender profound damage on individual­s, families and communitie­s. The fallout cannot be overstated.

Already, we see that Justice Clarence Thomas' concurring opinion is an unabashed invitation to bring new challenges to other fundamenta­l rights, including attacks on the decriminal­ization of gay relationsh­ips, same-sex marriage and married couples use of contracept­ion.

The interlocki­ng liberty and equality foundation of Lawrence and Obergefell should survive the political activism that shaped the Dobbs decision. The willingnes­s of the court to revisit these rights exposes a motivation of ideology, political gain and power — not constituti­onal fealty.

Perhaps more critically, it is bolstered by the moral arc of the universe, which will bend our way. We cannot accept a diminished and distorted version of equality. Instead, we must stand and meet the gaze of this moment with what it demands: indignant pride.

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