The Mercury (Pottstown, PA)

Chaos on the border inflames GOP’s split with Latinos

- By Thomas Beaumont and Bill Barrow

When more than 1,000 Latino officials a crop of upand-coming representa­tives from a fast-growing demographi­c gathered in Phoenix last week, no one from the Trump administra­tion was there to greet them.

It marked the first time a presidenti­al administra­tion skipped the annual conference of the National Associatio­n of Latino Elected Officials in at least 24 years. But the absence was striking for another reason. As jarring images of severed Central American migrant families played out on television, the White House chose not to make the case for its immigratio­n policy to these key politician­s.

For some, the choice was more evidence that the relationsh­ip between Latinos in the U.S. and the GOP is not just fractured, but broken — a breach with both immediate and long-term consequenc­es.

GOP strategist­s are bracing for the potential fallout the turmoil at the border might have on November’s midterm elections, where control of the House and possibly the Senate is in play. Some Republican­s are warning that President Donald Trump’s racially charged appeals to white voters, on display again at a recent rally he held in Minnesota, will doom the party’s relationsh­ip with minorities.

“There is a great amount of anxiety about what is happening throughout the country facing the Latino community, and it’s not just immigratio­n,” said Arturo Vargas, the group’s executive director. “Absence of the nation’s leadership at such a meeting is a real problem.”

Peter Guzman, a Republican who is the president of the Latin Chamber of Commerce in Nevada, said the president is hurting the GOP’s outreach to Latinos in his state, which Trump lost in 2016 and where control of the Senate may hinge this fall. He said Trump damaged the GOP’s standing among Latinos by first showing ambivalenc­e to the plight on the border and then stoking ethnic stereotype­s.

“When you call them rapists and say they’re all criminals, it’s bad,” he said. “When he looks into the camera and marginaliz­es all Hispanics, it’s not good for the party.”

Others say the administra­tion’s approach to the crisis at the border adds to the perception that the nation’s top-ranking Republican cares little about Latinos’ plight.

“Latinos don’t just feel misunderst­anding and meanness from Republican­s. It’s abject cruelty,” said former Republican strategist Steve Schmidt, who was the senior adviser to 2008 GOP presidenti­al nominee John McCain. “For the Hispanic community, the Republican brand is gone forever. Kaput. They will never consider voting for a Republican.”

Schmidt ended his 30year relationsh­ip with the GOP in the past week, blasting the “complete and total corruption of the Republican Party among its elected officials.” His outrage reflects frustratio­n among some Republican­s, particular­ly those aligned with George W. Bush, about the party’s long-term ability to harness the growing segment of Latino voters. Bush was re-elected in 2004 with the support of 44 percent of Latinos.

The Trump administra­tion’s decision to skip the Latino conference showed how far the GOP has shifted from Bush’s “compassion­ate” conservati­sm.

“There is a great amount of anxiety about what is happening throughout the country facing the Latino community, and it’s not just immigratio­n,” said Arturo Vargas, the Latino group’s executive director. “Absence of the nation’s leadership at such a meeting is a real problem.”

Census data released recently showed non-Hispanic whites were the only demographi­c group whose population decreased from July 1, 2016, to the same date in 2017, declining .02 percent to 197.8 million. The Hispanic population, meanwhile, increased 2.1 percent to 58.9 million during that time period.

Even as American demographi­cs shift, there are few incentives for Republican incumbents to abandon Trump or his hard-line approach on many cultural issues. Those who have criticized the president, such as GOP Rep. Mark Sanford of South Carolina, were ousted by primary voters seeking loyalty to Trump. Other Trump critics in Congress, including Republican Sens. Bob Corker of Tennessee and Jeff Flake of Arizona, have decided not to seek reelection rather than face Trump’s most fervent supporters during a primary race.

And those enthusiast­ic Trump supporters remain by his side as they have through most of his controvers­ial presidency.

“I’ve got absolute confidence in how this man handles anything,” 68-year-old Pat Shaler of North Scottsdale, Arizona, said in an interview.

For his part, the president — and some Republican­s — see the immigratio­n hard line as a winning play. Just hours after reversing himself and ending the family separation­s, Trump promoted hawkish immigratio­n measures at the rally in northern Minnesota. Reminiscen­t of the 2016 campaign, Trump smiled upon a throng of 8,000 chanting, “Build the wall! Build the wall!”

The concentrat­ion of the non-white voters in cities has allowed Republican­s to maximize their strength among white voters by shaping congressio­nal district maps to help them hold majorities in 32 statehouse­s and the U.S. House. Exit polls in 2016 showed Trump garnered more than 6 out of 10 white votes and two-thirds of whites without college degrees.

“Trump exacerbate­d the cultural re-alignment of this country to a degree that we didn’t think possible,” said Tim Miller, an aide to 2016 GOP presidenti­al candidate Jeb Bush, who promoted a path to citizenshi­p for people in the country illegally.

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