The Mercury (Pottstown, PA)

Garland’s caution is an asset

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Two speeches last week, one from President Joe Biden, the other from Attorney General Merrick Garland, should be reassuring to those who want justice and accountabi­lity for the violent events of Jan. 6, 2021

— and Donald Trump’s efforts to stage a coup.

But the remarks were reassuring in different ways. And not everyone who welcomed Biden’s direct and eloquent indictment of Trump and his apologists within the Republican Party felt as warmly about Garland’s studiously restrained promise to “follow the facts — not an agenda or an assumption.”

The stark difference­s in tone and content can be explained straightfo­rwardly: Biden’s tasks are, by the broadest definition, political. Garland’s task is precisely to keep politics out of prosecutor­ial decisions.

Biden’s bracing speech from the site of the attack showed he understand­s that he had no alternativ­e but to confront, publicly and forcefully, the metastasiz­ing anti-democratic movement ignited by Trump’s lies about the 2020 election.

And this week in Atlanta, both Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris will speak out for federal legislatio­n to counter one of the dangerous outgrowths of that movement: the attack on voting rights in many Republican-led states.

Garland’s responsibi­lities are structural­ly more complicate­d because he has both a policy role and a prosecutor­ial function.

In his speech, Garland was forceful on policy. He detailed the ongoing attacks on the right to vote and how Supreme Court decisions had “drasticall­y weakened” the Justice Department’s ability to contain them. It was “essential,” Garland argued, “that Congress act to give the department the powers we need to ensure that every eligible voter can cast a vote that counts.”

But when it comes to the possibilit­y of prosecutin­g Trump, we should welcome the fact that Garland is not talking about what, if anything, he is doing. Recall that progressiv­es and Democrats were rightly enraged in 2019 when then-Attorney General William Barr publicly distorted the findings of special counsel Robert Mueller’s inquiry and quickly dismissed the prospect of prosecutin­g Trump.

Yes, the attorney general could announce that he is investigat­ing Trump — if he is. But given how extraordin­ary indicting a former president would be, are we not better off with the standard Garland articulate­d? “We will and we must speak,” he said, “through our work.”

Nonetheles­s, Garland does have to take seriously not only that Trump clearly abused his power but also that he might have done so in a criminal way. Writing in The Post last August, legal scholars Laurence H. Tribe, Barbara McQuade and Joyce White Vance itemized potential crimes Trump may have committed in the course of his efforts to overturn the election.

They included defrauding the United States by interferin­g with government­al functions, obstructio­n of an official proceeding, racketeeri­ng, inciting insurrecti­on and seditious conspiracy. Trump might also have violated the federal voter fraud statute and coerced federal employees to violate the Hatch Act, which limits the political activities of civil servants.

In deciding what to do about Trump’s offenses, Garland confronts two concerns that are legitimate — and in tension.

There is genuine worry about what it would mean for the U.S. democratic system if a former president were indicted by the administra­tion of his successor — a successor who had defeated him at the polls. In a balancing test, accountabi­lity should prevail, and we should remember that it’s Republican­s who, in opposing Trump’s impeachmen­t, argued that he could face criminal indictment after he left office.

“We have a criminal justice system in this country,” Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell said last February. “We have civil litigation. And former presidents are not immune from being held accountabl­e by either one.”

My hope is that Garland is taking those words seriously and investigat­ing whether Trump violated the law.

But if Trump is to be indicted, we are better off with an attorney general who is widely seen as cautious, not reckless. Garland is committed to the idea that “there cannot be different rules depending on one’s political party or affiliatio­n ... different rules for friends and foes ... different rules for the powerful and the powerless.”

When you think about it, that’s the antithesis of Trumpism.

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