The Middletown Press (Middletown, CT)

Reformers, class and culture

- Peter Berger Poor Elijah Peter Berger teaches English in Weathersfi­eld, Vermont. Poor Elijah would be pleased to answer letters addressed to him in care of the editor.

Reformers always rank problem-solving high on their list of skills schools should teach. Unfortunat­ely, it’s never been something reformers themselves have been good at.

Their longterm breach with common sense explains why reformers respond to low math skills by prescribin­g algebra for students who can’t dependably multiply. It’s why they address declining achievemen­t by raising the standards too many students are already failing to meet. It’s why they address student failure by simply outlawing it. It’s why they propose to fix unsafe schools by restrictin­g schools’ power to remove the students who make them unsafe.

The last time public education successful­ly responded to an academic crisis, Sputnik was in space and mushroom clouds were on the horizon. Americans abruptly realized that we needed to shake our postwar complacenc­y and teach students more math and science. A generation later in 1983 A Nation at Risk warned that the pass/ fail, open classroom, studentcen­tered, content-and-discipline-light reforms of the 1970s had “squandered the gains in student achievemen­t made in the wake of the Sputnik challenge.” Reformers met Risk’s conclusion that we had “lost sight of the basic purposes of schooling” by persisting in the same reforms that had brought us to the brink of education disaster. We’re still headed over that same cliff.

Schools have also grappled with social issues. When we addressed segregatio­n and education equity in the 1960s, the quality of American public education wasn’t the problem. The task was to extend that high-quality education to more students, regardless of race or class. Unfortunat­ely, in the process we compromise­d the quality of public education itself.

For example, because readiness and achievemen­t placed many minority students in lower ability classes, we eliminated ability grouping altogether. Then we compounded our error by institutin­g instructio­nal gimmicks like mastery learning and cooperativ­e groups to orchestrat­e the fiction that one teacher could effectivel­y and efficientl­y teach students with vastly different abilities and interests at the same time in the same class. “Differenti­ated instructio­n” is the latest incarnatio­n of this smokeand-mirrors trick.

No Child Left Behind was launched to eliminate disparitie­s in achievemen­t among rich, poor, white, and minority students. That’s why NCLB chopped students up into ethnic and economic subgroups and imposed sanctions on schools when just one subgroup failed.

Like many reformers, current law, regulation­s, and initiative­s continue to track deficienci­es in ethnic and income groups’ achievemen­t. Officials are reluctant to blame national policies or society at large for those deficienci­es and even more unwilling to hold members of the subgroups themselves responsibl­e for their performanc­e. So once again schools become the scapegoat. Once again education policy and practice are compromise­d to suit a social and political agenda.

Enter the enlightene­d “culturally responsive teacher” who rejects “the myth of the culture of poverty.” According to advocates, the myth is that many “students from diverse cultural and linguistic background­s” experience home conditions and share certain attitudes that hamper their academic achievemen­t. Of course, before reformers condemned this idea as a myth, it was their justificat­ion for eliminatin­g ability grouping, adding social services to school programs, and reducing academic and disciplina­ry expectatio­ns.

It’s neither accurate nor helpful to stereotype students, even though advocates don’t hesitate to stereotype teachers like me as “complicit” in “gross inequities.” I’ve dealt with enough middleclas­s students who lacked intelligen­ce and ambition, as well as enough poor kids who excelled academical­ly and personally to know that race and family finances don’t dictate how a student will perform in the classroom or in life. But the fact is your parents’ income and education level, their attitudes toward school, how many books you have in your house – and how many parents – and how often you see an eye doctor tend to affect how early and how well you’ll learn to read.

You can’t argue that “poor people suffer disproport­ionately” from problems that “limit their abilities to achieve” while you also argue that foreseeing and acknowledg­ing the effects of those problems amounts to “classism” and “prejudice.” According to proponents, the effect of poverty and class is real enough that schools must adapt to it but simultaneo­usly not real enough that we can say it matters. Teachers must never have different expectatio­ns for poor children, but they simultaneo­usly must be willing to expect and accept different things from them. Huh? By reformers’ standards, it’s appropriat­e to concentrat­e on immigratio­n when you’re teaching immigrant children, even if that denies them a full survey and understand­ing of American history. Culturalis­ts endorse using math class as a forum for discussing income redistribu­tion, even if it means spending less time on math. They accept Black English Vernacular as equal to “so-called standard English,” even if that leaves students at a culturally based linguistic disadvanta­ge.

There’s nothing wrong with political agendas when you’re voting. But our positions on “housing and healthcare, living-wage jobs,” and “environmen­tal injustice” can’t be allowed to infect how we teach reading or quadratic equations.

Outside the preservati­on of certain unalienabl­e rights, politics shouldn’t govern how or what we teach. And my political views shouldn’t stand as a litmus test of whether I’m a good teacher.

A senator named McCarthy should have taught us that a long time ago.

As for what our students are and aren’t learning, we can’t expect schools to overcome all the obstacles we as individual­s and as a society can’t.

We can hope, though, that in their efforts to make things better, schools don’t in the end make them worse.

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Teachers must never have different expectatio­ns for poor children, but they simultaneo­usly must be willing to expect and accept different things from them. Huh?

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