The Middletown Press (Middletown, CT)

The doors seem to be closing on free speech

Two years ago, confronted with an inflammato­ry advertisem­ent depicting the prophet Muhammad, the agency that runs Metro banned all “issue-oriented advertisin­g” from the subway and bus systems. This March, the U.S. District Court for the District of Columb

- — Editorial courtesy of The Washington Post

The Washington Metropolit­an Area Transit Authority is facing a new First Amendment lawsuit from the American Civil Liberties Union. And the ACLU has a point — at least in part. While WMATA’s policy bans advertisem­ents advocating for any side of any issue, it has determined what counts as advocacy in a manner that privileges some viewpoints over others. And its guidelines are so vague that it’s hard to say what WMATA considers advocacy to begin with.

The ACLU is suing on its own behalf — Metro rejected its effort to display the text of the First Amendment — and on behalf of far-right provocateu­r Milo Yiannopoul­os, the Carafem abortion clinic and People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals, all of whose advertisem­ents WMATA rejected. In Mr. Yiannopoul­os’s case, WMATA approved the advertisem­ent only to remove it after receiving complaints from offended riders.

The ACLU’s suit goes too far in arguing for WMATA to accept its advertisem­ents and those of PETA, which encouraged veganism. Those really were issue ads prohibited by WMATA’s legally acceptable guidelines.

But Yiannopoul­os’s advertisem­ent aimed not to broadcast a viewpoint but to sell his book. WMATA appears to have rejected the advertisem­ent based on complaints about Yiannopoul­os’s politics, when it does accept ads for other creative works; that amounts to the government’s unconstitu­tionally selecting which ads to display on the basis of viewpoint. Likewise, WMATA rejected Carafem’s advertisem­ent promoting the clinic’s services as advocacy because the ad implicated the abortion debate. The ACLU makes a persuasive argument that WMATA’s choice to label all abortion-related advertisem­ents as issue-oriented constitute­s viewpoint discrimina­tion as well.

WMATA must apply its guidelines consistent­ly, even to products associated with contentiou­s issues. It should also provide clear, objective guidance as to what constitute­s advocacy. Of course, even advertisem­ents for products often put forward a point of view to some extent. The vice president of Carafem, for example, has stated that the clinic hopes its ads will increase abortion’s social acceptabil­ity. A McDonald’s ad might promote the consumptio­n of meat.

Neverthele­ss, we can distinguis­h between advertisem­ents that primarily promote products and those that promote only ideas. Legally, WMATA can prohibit the latter. But if it allows the former, it should approve advertisem­ents for all products and services that meet WMATA’s other guidelines, no matter how controvers­ial the views behind those products may be. And while some ACLU supporters — even one of its own attorneys — have criticized the organizati­on for representi­ng Yiannopoul­os, we should celebrate its willingnes­s to remind us that the First Amendment also protects those voices we may find loathsome.

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