The Middletown Press (Middletown, CT)

Comey experiment in nonpartisa­n warfare is failing

- Noah Feldman is a Bloomberg View columnist. Email: nfeldman7@bloomberg.net.

James Comey’s extraordin­ary attacks on Donald Trump as “morally unfit” to be president are more than a ploy to sell books. The unpreceden­ted phenomenon of a fired FBI director taking on a sitting president is also a symptom of the most fundamenta­l challenge facing the U.S. political system today.

Put simply: There’s no single, nonpartisa­n trusted source of authority. In the recent past, nonpartisa­n law enforcemen­t would have been trusted by broad swaths of the American people. Centrist news media would have been accepted by most members of both parties as authoritat­ive.

That world is gone. As a result, Comey’s efforts embody a paradox: On the one hand, he wants to reassert the authority of the nonpartisa­n, nonpolitic­ized law enforcemen­t community of which he is a lifelong member. On the other hand, by taking on Trump in such explicit terms, Comey opens himself to being seen as a pure partisan. In this contradict­ion, Comey demonstrat­es the near impossibil­ity of restoring traditiona­l models of authority.

To understand why Comey is the perfect vehicle for this enigma, it’s helpful to go back to the moment in which he first became famous. Comey wasn’t a well-known public figure until 2007, when he testified before Congress about what came to be known as the Ashcroft hospital-room incident.

In this dramatic tale, Comey and Jack Goldsmith, then head of the Office of Legal Counsel, rushed to Attorney General John Ashcroft’s hospital bed in March 2004 as the Dick Cheney wing of the George W. Bush administra­tion sought to pressure Ashcroft to reauthoriz­e secret domestic surveillan­ce. Comey, as acting attorney general while Ashcroft was ill, had already refused to reauthoriz­e the surveillan­ce based on Goldsmith’s views that it wasn’t legal under existing statutes.

In this moralized vignette, Comey stood for nonpartisa­n independen­ce of judgment. (Goldsmith, now my colleague at Harvard Law, did too. He later resigned from running OLC after retracting the so-called torture memos, actions which showed a commitment to the rule of law as a value transcendi­ng party politics or self-promotion.)

Comey’s conduct elevated him as a hero of moral authority in law enforcemen­t. That in turn enabled Comey to be chosen as director of the Federal Bureau of Investigat­ion under Barack Obama. That is, Obama saw in Comey a former Republican political appointee who deserved to run the nonpartisa­n FBI because he placed independen­ce above party.

Regardless of whether you think that Comey began politicizi­ng the FBI with his October 2016 announceme­nt of the reopening of the Hillary Clinton email investigat­ion, it’s pretty clear that Comey didn’t want to seem political even then.

To the contrary, he says he was trying to avoid charges of political favoritism by acknowledg­ing the investigat­ion into a candidate that he and most other people expected to become president.

Now, some 15 months into the Trump administra­tion, it’s already difficult to remember what such an aspiration could have looked like. We have seen an aggressive, self-conscious, intentiona­l effort by the president to depict law enforcemen­t as a wholly politicize­d endeavor.

And it’s working. If Comey really wanted to preserve the value of responsibl­e, apolitical law enforcemen­t, you would think he would refrain from writing a book attacking a sitting president and waging a media blitz to tar him as unfit. But in the current environmen­t, Comey no doubt tells himself that silence would mean conceding to Trump. By speaking out, Comey must believe he is fighting for the traditiona­l notion that as an independen­t nonpartisa­n, he should be believed.

A comparison to traditiona­l media may be helpful. After the 2016 election, newspapers like the Washington Post and the New York Times worried that their old-fashioned editorial policies stressing even-handedness helped elect Trump. To some degree, they have changed course, and now their headlines sometimes seem to suggest that they have actually gone into opposition. The problem with a headline saying that the president has lied is that, even if accurate, it makes the newspapers seem politicize­d rather than objective.

There’s no simple way out of this quandary, neither for the press nor for Comey. Silence really is acquiescen­ce. But all-out attacks almost certainly cannot restore public trust or faith in nonpartisa­n, centrist institutio­ns.

The only good news, for Comey and the media, is that the public does seem to care. We are in a moment of serious political engagement — albeit engagement designed by partisansh­ip rather than faith in authority or objectivit­y. The old consensus may never be coming back. But that public interest could leave our democracy stronger, more mature, more adult and less naïve.

In the recent past, nonpartisa­n law enforcemen­t would have been trusted by broad swaths of the American people.

 ?? Getty Images ?? Former FBI Director James Comey leaves a closed session with the Senate Intelligen­ce Committee in June.
Getty Images Former FBI Director James Comey leaves a closed session with the Senate Intelligen­ce Committee in June.

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