The Middletown Press (Middletown, CT)

Intelligen­ce whistleblo­wers will often pay a severe price

- By Jennifer M. Pacella

When President Donald Trump likened a whistleblo­wer’s White House sources to spies and made a lightly veiled reference to execution, he highlighte­d a longstandi­ng peril facing those who come forward to alert the public to government­al wrongdoing.

In many instances, whistleblo­wers find the abusive power they have revealed turned against them, both ending their careers and harming their personal lives.

In the private sector, whistleblo­wers are often ignored and told their concern is not part of their job descriptio­n — and are commonly retaliated against by being demoted or fired.

When a whistleblo­wer is in the U.S. intelligen­ce and national security sphere, they’re often speaking out about misdeeds by powerful figures — and, as a result, have frequently faced death threats, physical attacks, prosecutio­n and prison.

The new whistleblo­wer report that alleges wrongdoing by the president is a reminder of the vital importance of holding wrongdoers accountabl­e, regardless of their level of power. When those acts affect national security, whistleblo­wing is even more important. But as I’ve found in my whistleblo­wing research, whistleblo­wers in this arena have far fewer legal protection­s from retaliatio­n than those in corporate settings or elsewhere in government.

Targets of retaliatio­n

The consequenc­es for government whistleblo­wers in the last 20 years have been harsh, in part because laws about classified informatio­n have made it difficult for people to publicize wrongdoing on sensitive issues.

After William Binney and J. Kirk Wiebe alleged in 2002 that their employer, the National Security Agency, mismanaged intelligen­cegatherin­g software that potentiall­y could have prevented 9/11, their homes were raided and ransacked by the FBI as their families watched. Ultimately, the NSA revoked their security clearances and they were forced to sue to recover the confiscate­d personal property.

Another NSA whistleblo­wer, Thomas Drake, alleged in 2002 that the agency’s masssurvei­llance programs after 9/11 involved fraud, waste and violations of citizens’ rights. He became the subject of one of the biggest government leak investigat­ions of all time and was prosecuted for espionage, which he ultimately settled through a plea agreement.

A third NSA whistleblo­wer, Edward Snowden has spent years in exile, fearing an unfair trial should he return to the U.S.

Former Army intelligen­ce analyst Chelsea Manning has spent years in federal prison for releasing classified documents regarding U.S. military operations in Iraq and Afghanista­n.

Difficult consequenc­es can come not just from the government but also from the public and the media. The New York Times has come under criticism for revealing identifyin­g details about the current whistleblo­wer’s position.

Few protection­s

Most laws governing federal whistleblo­wers lay out a procedure for coming forward with concerns, offer protection­s for confidenti­ality, and prevent recipients of informatio­n from harassing, threatenin­g, demoting, firing or discrimina­ting against the person raising the complaint.

Whistleblo­wers reporting securities law violations to the Securities and Exchange Commission have those protection­s. So do whistleblo­wers who report on fraudulent billing or claims against the government, such as Medicare or Medicaid fraud.

It can be difficult to find a balance between the government’s need to protect highly sensitive classified informatio­n and the public’s interest in uncovering wrongdoing. As a result, protection­s for whistleblo­wers in the intelligen­ce community lack robust protection­s. The Intelligen­ce Community Whistleblo­wer Protection Act of 1998 outlines a process for whistleblo­wers in the intelligen­ce community to raise concerns, but doesn’t explicitly protect the whistleblo­wer from retaliatio­n or being publicly identified. Two executiveb­ranch directives, created during the Obama administra­tion, do bar retaliatio­n against whistleblo­wers. However, they create a conflict of interest, because the person who determines whether there has been retaliatio­n may be the person doing the retaliatin­g.

Those Obamaera directives also prevent the whistleblo­wer from seeking an independen­t court’s review. They do not specify whether and exactly how aggrieved whistleblo­wers are entitled to back pay or reinstatem­ent of employment, which are common whistleblo­wer remedies.

It’s no surprise, then, that in the first 10 years after the Intelligen­ce Community Whistleblo­wer Protection Act was enacted, no intelligen­ce whistleblo­wer was compensate­d for retaliatio­n. While there have been no subsequent inquiries or informatio­n to determine whether intelligen­ce whistleblo­wers have fared better since 2009, the law as it stands makes it nearly impossible for them to be protected.

Whistleblo­wers bring muchneeded attention to matters of interest and importance to the public. Their courage — and willingnes­s to face profession­al and personal peril — helps bring to light informatio­n that others would prefer to keep secret. That helps society as a whole fight injustice, waste, corruption and abuse of power, rather than passively and blindly accepting it.

Jennifer M. Pacella is an assistant professor of business law and ethics at Indiana University. This essay first appeared on the website The Conversati­on.

It can be difficult to find a balance between the government’s need to protect highly sensitive classified informatio­n and the public’s interest in uncovering wrongdoing.

 ?? Getty Images ?? Rep. Jim Himes, DConn., arrives for a briefing with the intelligen­ce community inspector general.
Getty Images Rep. Jim Himes, DConn., arrives for a briefing with the intelligen­ce community inspector general.

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