The Morning Call (Sunday)

A boost in Black reparation­s fight

Japanese American advocates push for Washington to act

- By Janie Har

SAN FRANCISCO — When Miya Iwataki and other Japanese Americans fought in the 1980s for the U.S. government to apologize to the families it imprisoned during World War II, Black politician­s and civil rights leaders were integral to the movement.

Thirty-five years after they won that apology — and survivors of prison camps received $20,000 each — those advocates are now demanding atonement for Black Americans whose ancestors were enslaved.

From California to Washington, D.C., activists are joining revived reparation­s movements and pushing for formal government compensati­on for the lasting harm of slavery’s legacy on subsequent generation­s, from access to housing and education to voting rights and employment.

Advocating for reparation­s is “the right thing to do,” said Iwataki, a resident of South Pasadena, California, who is in her 70s. She cited cross-cultural solidarity that has built up over decades.

Black lawmakers such as the late California congressme­n Mervyn Dymally and Ron Dellums played crucial roles in winning the Civil Liberties Act of 1988, which formalized the government’s apology and redress payments.

This month marked the 81st anniversar­y of President Franklin Roosevelt signing an executive order that allowed the government to force an estimated 125,000 people — two-thirds of them U.S. citizens — from their homes and businesses, and incarcerat­e them in desolate camps mostly in the West.

“We want to help other communitie­s win reparation­s

because it was so important to us,” Iwataki said.

After stalling for decades at the federal level, reparation­s for slavery has received new interest amid a national reckoning over the 2020 police killing of George Floyd. Amid nationwide protests that year, California Gov. Gavin Newsom signed legislatio­n that establishe­d a first-in-the-nation task force to address the topic of slave reparation­s.

Other cities and counties have since followed, including Boston, St. Louis and San Francisco, where an advisory committee issued a draft recommenda­tion last year proposing a lump-sum payment of $5 million apiece for eligible individual­s.

In December, the National Nikkei Reparation­s Coalition, alongside more than 70 other Japanese American and Asian American organizati­ons, submitted a letter calling on the Biden administra­tion to establish a presidenti­al commission.

Japanese American activists in California are studying the landmark report issued by California’s task force — and plan to reach out to college students, churches and other community groups to raise awareness about why Black reparation­s are needed — and how it intersects with their own struggle.

Reparation­s critics say monetary compensati­on and other forms of atonement are unnecessar­y when there is no one alive today who was enslaved or a slave owner, overlookin­g the inequities today that affect later generation­s of Black Americans.

Retired teacher Kathy Masaoka of Los Angeles, who testified in 1981 for Japanese American redress and in 2021 in favor of federal reparation­s legislatio­n, says they are just beginning to educate their own community about Black history and anti-Black prejudice.

Starting conversati­ons in

her community is “undoing a lot of ideas that people have” about American history and the case for reparation­s, said Masaoka, 74.

San Francisco attorney Don Tamaki, who is Japanese, is the only person appointed to California’s nine-member task force who is not Black.

At meetings, he shared how crucial it was for organizers to arrange for former detainees to tell their stories to national media outlets. Redress advocates had to make hard decisions though, such as agreeing to legislatio­n that denied reparation­s to an estimated 2,000 Latin Americans of Japanese descent who were also incarcerat­ed.

There is no equivalenc­e to the experience­s of the Japanese American and Black American communitie­s, Tamaki said, but there are similar lessons, such as the need for a massive public education campaign.

Only 30% of U.S. adults

surveyed by the Pew Research Center in 2021 supported reparation­s for slavery, 77% of whom were Black Americans. Support among Latinos and Asians was 39% and 33%, respective­ly, and white Americans had the lowest rate of support, at 18%.

Some advocates said that the idea of reparation­s for the World War II incarcerat­ion camps was once considered outlandish. But many young, third-generation Japanese Americans were inspired to mobilize from civil rights and ethnic pride movements, including the Black Panther Party and the Brown Berets, who promoted Chicano rights.

Some advocates were outraged by — and threatened to boycott — hearings set up by a 1980 federal commission on Japanese internment, and called it a delaying tactic. But the testimonie­s that came out of public hearings the following year did serve as a turning point.

For the first time, many survivors shared stories that even their families didn’t know, educating not only the younger generation but the broader American public.

“There was not a dry eye in the house at those hearings,” said Iwataki, who worked with the National Coalition for Redress/Reparation­s to arrange transporta­tion to the hearings, as well as meals and translator­s, for former detainees.

Many young Japanese Americans went from frustratio­n with their grandparen­ts and parents for not fighting back to understand­ing how vulnerable they were, said Ron Wakabayash­i, who was then national director of the Japanese American Citizens League. The average age of incarcerat­ed second-generation Japanese Americans was only 18, he said.

“Probably the more important thing that we got out of that was the generation­al healing, and the restoratio­n of our identity,” said Wakabayash­i, 78.

The commission found no military necessity for the camps, saying the detentions stemmed broadly from “race prejudice, war hysteria and a failure of political leadership,” according to a report issued in 1983.

President Ronald Reagan signed the Civil Liberties Act of 1988, providing living survivors a formal apology and $20,000 each for the “grave injustice” done to them. It would cost the U.S. government about $1.6 billion.

Throughout the process, activists said, the Congressio­nal Black Caucus remained a steadfast supporter of reparation­s.

A year after Reagan signed Japanese reparation­s into law, then-Rep. John Conyers, D-Mich., introduced a bill to consider slavery reparation­s, named after the promise of 40 acres and a mule that the U.S. initially made to freed slaves. The bill has gone nowhere.

 ?? DENNIS COOK/AP 1990 ?? Attorney General Dick Thornburgh presents $20,000 checks through the Civil Liberties Act of 1988 to Kisa Isari, left, Hau Dariki and Mamoru Eto. The three were among many Japanese Americans imprisoned in the U.S. during WWII.
DENNIS COOK/AP 1990 Attorney General Dick Thornburgh presents $20,000 checks through the Civil Liberties Act of 1988 to Kisa Isari, left, Hau Dariki and Mamoru Eto. The three were among many Japanese Americans imprisoned in the U.S. during WWII.

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