The Morning Call

US must know Biden’s ’24 plans now

- By Matthew Yglesias

If Joe Biden wants to run for reelection, he should say so clearly and soon — and then start acting like it. Alternativ­ely, if the president is not sure he wants to run again, he should take that as a strong sign that he shouldn’t — and then make that announceme­nt soon, too.

The point, you may have noticed, is that whatever he does, he needs to do it soon.

Yes, it’s abnormally early for an incumbent president to be making an official announceme­nt. But for all modern incumbents, a reelection campaign has been a foregone conclusion. For Biden, it isn’t. And for many Democrats in Washington, the presumptio­n now — partly because of his age (he’s 79) and party because of his policies — is that he’s not running.

Many Democrats see his tenure thus far as reflecting tendencies they usually see in a lame-duck president. He’s prioritize­d ambitious foreign policy goals — rallying the world against Russia over its invasion of Ukraine and fighting a trade war with China — over domestic issues such as inflation. He’s compromise­d his diversity goals to hand out senior jobs to old friends such as Agricultur­e Secretary Tom Vilsack, Labor Secretary Marty Walsh, and Veterans Affairs Secretary Denis McDonough, while simultaneo­usly outsourcin­g most of the staff work to the left wing of the party. (The Office of Presidenti­al Personnel, for example, is run by a former chief of staff to Rep. Pramila Jayapal of Washington.)

None of this means that he won’t run for reelection. But it does mean that many who prefer a moderate “Bidenist” Democratic Party to a more progressiv­e one believe that he won’t — and are currently casting around for alternativ­es to Vice President Kamala Harris.

It continues to be the case, however, that the best standard-bearer for the Bidenist faction of the party is none other than

Joe Biden himself. That means he has to become more like Primary Candidate Joe Biden — the one who prioritize­d popularity and electabili­ty over legacy items for the history books — and less like President Joe Biden, who in March 2021 convened a roundtable meeting with historians to discuss his potential legacy and his “thinkbig, go-big mentality.”

This is the kind of thing presidents normally do in the March after they get reelected. That’s when they turn the page on practical politics in favor of efforts to define themselves in the eyes of history.

It rarely works out. George W. Bush capped his reelection with a doomed push to privatize Social Security, prompting a huge public backlash, and a grandiose Second Inaugural Address that vowed the “untamed fire of freedom will reach the darkest corners of the world.”

First-term Bush, like most first-term presidents, was more pragmatic and focused on giving the people what they wanted. Even at the height of his post-9/11 public approval, his administra­tion focused on “compassion­ate conservati­ve” agenda items such as including prescripti­on drug coverage in Medicare and expanding eligibilit­y for SNAP benefits. The hard-right pivot after reelection was supposed to leave a more lasting legacy, but it flopped politicall­y. And that political failure helped discredit Bush-style politics in Republican circles.

Barack Obama, similarly, was laser-focused on public opinion during his first term. He advanced progressiv­e social and cultural causes, but consistent­ly led “from behind,” ending the military’s “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” policy in late 2010, when doing so was overwhelmi­ngly popular, and only endorsing marriage equality after advocates pushed its approval rating up above 50%. Not until his second term did he start throwing caution to the wind, taking big political risks for the sake of diplomatic breakthrou­ghs with Cuba and Iran.

The problem here was similar to that which Republican­s had faced eight years earlier: While Obama didn’t need to stand for reelection again, other Democrats did. Fighting with the Israel lobby and Cuban emigres was politicall­y costly. Donald Trump’s election in 2016 largely undid those legacy items, and even Biden’s presence in the White House can’t put the diplomatic Humpty Dumpty back together again.

Now the Biden administra­tion is being similarly reckless with its politics — hostile to fossil fuel extraction amid high energy costs, picking aggressive fights over transgende­r issues that could be easily ducked, and more focused on the benefits of student loan relief than on its impact on inflation.

In retrospect, the historians’ advice to Biden to go big was borderline absurd. There’s a reason congressio­nal Democrats ran consistent­ly weaker than his presidenti­al campaign — a margin of the public was voting for Biden despite the progressiv­e agenda, not because of it.

Biden’s core promise was a return to normalcy and the expurgatio­n of Trump from the political system. He’s actually delivered on more of this promise than most people realize, yet his historical legacy may still suffer. It could be something like: “Really high inflation discredite­d Democrats, allowing authoritar­ian elements in the Republican Party to regain control of the government.”

The best way for Biden to secure his legacy would be to focus on popularity with the cold calculatio­n of Bill Clinton and crush the opposition with the ruthlessne­ss of LBJ. Of course if Biden truly doesn’t want to run again, then acting like a lame duck is probably unavoidabl­e. But either way, the best thing for the country, and for Biden, would be for the president to clarify his plans and act decisively on them — sooner rather than later.

 ?? SUSAN WALSH/AP ?? President Biden would be 82 on Election Day in November 2024. Above, Biden on Tuesday in Germany for the G-7 summit.
SUSAN WALSH/AP President Biden would be 82 on Election Day in November 2024. Above, Biden on Tuesday in Germany for the G-7 summit.

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States