The Morning Journal (Lorain, OH)

Governing by a house divided

- Brooks D. Simpson Arizona State University The Conversati­on is an independen­t and nonprofit source of news, analysis and commentary from academic experts.

As the 116th Congress convenes, power has shifted from Republican control of both the Senate and House to a Republican Senate and a Democratic House, poised to battle each other under a Republican president who is under fire.

How can American political history help us anticipate what might be in the offing?

The Democratic takeover of the House was not unusual. The party not in power in the White House usually gains ground during midterm elections. That’s especially true in the House of Representa­tives.

Four previous midterm elections that produced divided Congresses suggest what to expect over the next two years.

In 1890 and 1910 Democratic majorities in the House brought an end to the agendas of presidents Benjamin Harrison and William Howard Taft, both Republican­s, and set the stage for Democratic triumphs in the contests of 1892 and 1912.

Harrison had promoted tariffs and federal protection for black voters, but neither policy stood a chance of legislativ­e success given the Democrats’ House majority.

Perhaps the most noteworthy achievemen­t of Congress during Taft’s final two years was the framing of a constituti­onal amendment providing for the direct popular election of United States senators.

Two other midterm setbacks for the party in power support a forecast for more combative politics during the next two years. They suggest that a Democratic-controlled House of Representa­tives can undertake investigat­ions of the Republican administra­tion that could bring a presidency to a halt.

In the fall of 1858, Republican­s secured control of the House of Representa­tives. They quickly went to work to investigat­e James Buchanan’s already stumbling presidency.

The investigat­ion scrutinize­d allegation­s that Buchanan and members of his administra­tion had bribed Democrats with either money or patronage jobs.

The committee didn’t gather sufficient evidence to secure Buchanan’s impeachmen­t. But it uncovered enough wrongdoing to damage his presidency as well as the Democratic Party in a presidenti­al election year – the 1860 election that resulted in Republican Abraham Lincoln’s victory.

Sixteen years later, the Democrats got their revenge when they regained control of the House in the midterm elections.

Their electoral victory, Democrats believed, hinged on a combinatio­n of unfortunat­e elements that hurt Republican­s.

Those elements included the onset of an economic depression in 1873, revelation­s of corrupt behavior among leading congressio­nal Republican­s, and the growing unpopulari­ty of Reconstruc­tion.

Vigorously using the power to launch investigat­ions, Democrats struck telling blows against Ulysses S. Grant’s administra­tion.

They exposed the corrupt behavior of several cabinet members, notably Secretary of War William Belknap, who was charged with accepting kickbacks from holders of frontier trading posts. The House impeached Belknap, who escaped conviction because he resigned.

Other House investigat­ions also damaged the reputation­s of Grant’s brother Orvil, who was also involved in accepting kickbacks for trading post licenses, and Secretary of the Navy George M. Robeson, who was accused of improper dealing with shipbuildi­ng contracts.

Both parties ran reform candidates in 1876, with the victorious Rutherford B. Hayes, a Republican, pledging to end federal support for black voting rights in the South.

Even if the majority party retains control of both the presidency and both houses of Congress, a president may still find his agenda languishes. Franklin D. Roosevelt’s desire for additional New Deal initiative­s was frustrated by Republican gains in 1938. Those gains allowed the minority party to join with southern Democrats to block further legislatio­n.

Sometimes the opposition party increases its control of both houses. In 1866, an overwhelmi­ng Republican triumph led to veto-proof majorities in the Senate and the House.

Just two years after the end of slavery, Republican­s wanted to pass Reconstruc­tion legislatio­n to re-establish state government­s throughout the South that included African-Americans as voters, convention delegates and officehold­ers.

When Democratic President Andrew Johnson tried to obstruct the legislatio­n’s passage, lawmakers overrode his vetoes.

On occasion, the party in the White House loses control of both houses of Congress, forcing the president to seek common ground with his political foes where possible. Just as often, the outcome results in stalemate and confrontat­ion.

President Bill Clinton resisted House Speaker New Gingrich’s vision of a “Contract with America,” which promoted slashing federal programs, eventually leading to a pair of government shutdowns totalling 27 days in 1995 and 1996.

President Barack Obama found it difficult to get anything done after the 2010 midterms brought to Congress a Republican majority determined to block his initiative­s.

While today’s House Democrats hold different political beliefs than did their party brethren 144 years ago, they confront a similar situation.

A Republican president and Senate spell doom for the Democratic House’s legislativ­e agenda. But Democrats can check their foes’ ambitions.

A target-rich environmen­t of rumored corruption, malfeasanc­e and scandal may prove sufficient­ly tempting to spark a series of investigat­ions that could undermine the Trump presidency. They could also enhance Democratic political prospects for 2020.

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