The News Herald (Willoughby, OH)

FirstEnerg­y had big stake in tainted nuclear plant bailout

- By Mark Gillispie and John Seewer

FirstEnerg­y Corp. was once blamed for its part in triggering North America’s largest blackout nearly 20 years ago. Now, the multistate power company is again facing intense scrutiny — this time for its role in an alleged $60 million bribery scheme that has ensnared one of Ohio’s most powerful politician­s.

While FirstEnerg­y and its executives have denied wrongdoing and have not been criminally charged, federal investigat­ors say the company secretly funneled millions to secure a $1 billion legislativ­e bailout for two unprofitab­le Ohio nuclear plants then operated by an independen­tly controlled subsidiary called FirstEnerg­y Solutions.

Officials from the Akron-based corporatio­n, including CEO Chuck Jones, have long insisted FirstEnerg­y Corp. had no financial stake in rescuing the plants because they were operated by FirstEnerg­y Solutions. Yet nearly all of the money used to fund the scheme, authoritie­s said, came from the corporatio­n itself.

Critics say the bailout bill, known as HB6, helped smooth the way for FirstEnerg­y to officially shift ownership of the nuclear plants and two coal-burning power plants to its creditors in federal bankruptcy court in February. Shedding the plants allowed the corporatio­n to focus on its profitable business of powering 6 million customers in Ohio and other states.

Ashley Brown, executive director of the Harvard Electricit­y Policy Group at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government and a member of the Public Utilities Commission of Ohio from 1983 to 1993, said the bailout legislatio­n clearly benefited FirstEnerg­y Corp.

“I think there’s no question that FirstEnerg­y was acting in its own self-interest,” Brown said. “Ordinarily, there’s nothing particular­ly wrong with that. But HB6 skewed everything.”

‘COMPANY A’

After its bailout-driven success, FirstEnerg­y’s fortunes took an unwelcome turn July 21.

That’s when federal authoritie­s released a criminal complaint detailing how “Company A” — a clear reference to FirstEnerg­y — spent $60 million to get a well-known Republican named Larry Householde­r selected as Ohio’s House speaker, finance his bailout passage efforts and prevent Ohioans from having their say about the legislatio­n at the polls.

FirstEnerg­y’s stock price plummeted nearly 35% within two days and has yet to rebound. Independen­t board members have called for an internal investigat­ion and shareholde­rs have filed at least four potential class-action lawsuits alleging FirstEnerg­y’s executives committed fraud and concealed an “illicit campaign” to secure the bailout.

“The company’s most senior executives, including its CEO defendant Jones, were directly involved in and oversaw these efforts, placing the company and its shareholde­rs at extreme risk of legal, reputation­al and financial harm,” one lawsuit said.

FirstEnerg­y said in a statement this week that it backed the bailout because the corporatio­n has a stake in Ohio’s economic success, the stability of its electric grid, and maintainin­g reliable energy sources.

The plan to separate from the nuclear plants and complete the bankruptcy process did not depend on securing the bailout, the company said.

U.S. Attorney David DeVillers was asked about FirstEnerg­y during a July 21 news conference in Columbus.

“Individual­s that work for Company A and Company A in and of itself, we’re going to continue to investigat­e this, and we’re going to investigat­e it wherever it leads and whoever it is and whoever they work for,” DeVillers responded.

The corporatio­n funneled $38 million to a dark money group to finance a dirty tricks campaign that prevented bailout opponents from gathering enough signatures to place a referendum on the ballot, federal authoritie­s alleged.

FirstEnerg­y also benefited from a last-minute change to the bailout legislatio­n that essentiall­y allowed the utility to charge retail customers more for lost revenue, a sweetener that Jones said made roughly one-third of the company’s business “recession proof.”

While the utility said the add-on would stabilize rates for customers, an analysis released by the Ohio Manufactur­ers Associatio­n estimated FirstEnerg­y could reap $355 million in unearned revenue through 2024.

Federal investigat­ors said the add-on “likely came as a result of the successful influence campaign” waged by Householde­r and his four associates, all of whom were indicted on federal racketeeri­ng charges last month. The associates have pleaded not guilty, while Householde­r has been given more time to find a new attorney.

‘CORNERED JUNKYARD DOG’

FirstEnerg­y began looking six years ago for ways to subsidize the Perry and Davis-Besse nuclear plants in northern Ohio as they struggled to compete with cheaper natural gas power generation.

The company’s top priority was to save the plants, Jones told investors in 2017. That same year, one state lawmaker backing FirstEnerg­y’s attempts to get financial help told energy conference attendees that the company was in “substantia­l financial trouble.” The company created the mess by taking on too much debt when it invested in coal and nuclear plants, said Ohio State University economist Ned Hill, a vocal critic of the bailout.

FirstEnerg­y acted “like a cornered junkyard dog” to keep the plants from shuttering, he said.

But with state and federal officials reluctant to help, the FirstEnerg­y Solutions subsidiary announced in March 2018 that it would close the plants in 2021. The subsidiary filed for bankruptcy three days later, saying it had $7.2 billion in assets and $3.1 billion in debt as of Dec. 31, 2016.

By that time, according to federal authoritie­s, the bribery scheme had already been set in motion. Two months after Householde­r flew on a company plane to President Donald Trump’s inaugurati­on in January 2017, FirstEnerg­y wired $250,000 into the bank account of Generation Now — a dark money group created to promote “social welfare” under a provision of federal tax law that shields its funding sources or spending. Authoritie­s say Householde­r controlled Generation Now as part of the alleged scheme.

Of the $60 million eventually funneled by FirstEnerg­y to Generation Now through the end of 2019, $42 million came from an entity called FirstEnerg­y

Services that is overseen by Jones and his corporate team, the criminal complaint said.

HARDLY STRANGERS

Jones and Householde­r themselves were hardly strangers, the complaint said, with the two men having 84 telephone contacts between February 2017 and July 2019 — many at key points during the alleged scheme, including 30 calls while the bailout bill was pending.

Jonathan Entin, a law professor emeritus at Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland, said there is no way for FirstEnerg­y “to spin this.”

“They cannot credibly say they’re completely innocent bystanders even if they did not break the law,” Entin said. “It’s really hard to believe they were completely ignorant of what was happening.” During a conference call with investors late last month, Jones said he was confident that he and the company did nothing wrong.

Two months before Householde­r unveiled his bailout plan in early 2019, Jones sent a letter to state lawmakers emphasizin­g that his company and FirstEnerg­y Solutions were separate. His letter also said his corporatio­n “would not financiall­y benefit from any legislatio­n” helping the plants he asserted were vital to Ohio.

The bailout legislatio­n became law last October, the day after the anti-bailout referendum effort failed. By February of this year, FirstEnerg­y appeared to have gotten what it wanted: FirstEnerg­y Solutions had emerged from bankruptcy as a new privately held company called Energy Harbor. FirstEnerg­y Corp. was out of the power generation business and was now a regulated electric transmissi­on company, feeding power to 6 million customers in six states.

And it was good, at least initially, for FirstEnerg­y’s bottom line, its shareholde­rs, and the FirstEnerg­y leadership team.

The company, in a Securities and Exchange Commission filing early this year, said Jones’ total compensati­on in 2019 was nearly $21 million, including a $1.6 million performanc­e-based salary bonus for that year and $18 million in performanc­e-based stock units for a three-year period ending in 2019.

Now, 17 summers after a tree branch touched a highvoltag­e line and a computer malfunctio­n at FirstEnerg­y unraveled into a massive blackout in the U.S. northeast and Canada, the company again finds itself on the defensive.

“If it turns out what FirstEnerg­y went over the line, the question is who will be held responsibl­e,” Entin said. “Will it be individual­s? Or will it be the company?”

 ?? PHIL MASTURZO — — AKRON BEACON JOURNAL VIA AP, FILE ?? FirstEnerg­y Corp. President and CEO Charles “Chuck” Jones appears at the company’s Akron, headquarte­rs in 2015.
PHIL MASTURZO — — AKRON BEACON JOURNAL VIA AP, FILE FirstEnerg­y Corp. President and CEO Charles “Chuck” Jones appears at the company’s Akron, headquarte­rs in 2015.

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