The News Herald (Willoughby, OH)

Biden’s climate change plans can quickly raise the bar

- Edward R Carr The Conversati­on is an independen­t and nonprofit source of news, analysis and commentary from academic experts.

The day Joe Biden becomes president, he can start taking actions that can help slow climate change. The question is whether he can match the magnitude of the challenge.

If his administra­tion focuses only on what is politicall­y possible and fails to build a coordinate­d response that also addresses the social and economic ramificati­ons of both climate change and the U.S. policy response, it is unlikely to succeed.

I have spent much of my career working on responses to climate change internatio­nally and in Washington. I have seen the quiet efforts across political parties, even when the rhetoric was heated. There is room for effective climate actions, particular­ly as heat waves, wildfires and extreme weather make the risks of global warming tangible and the costs of renewable energy fall. A coordinate­d strategy will be crucial to go beyond symbolic actions and bring about transforma­tive change.

Starting on day one

Let’s first take a look at what Biden can do quickly, without having to rely on what’s likely to be a divided Congress.

Biden has already pledged to rejoin the Paris climate agreement. With an executive order and some wrangling with the United Nations, that will happen fairly quickly. But the agreement is only a promise by nations worldwide to reduce the greenhouse gas emissions driving climate change.

To start moving the country back toward its obligation­s under the Paris Agreement, Biden can recertify the waiver that allows California to implement its fuel economy and zero-emissions vehicle standards. The Trump administra­tion had revoked it. California is a big state, and its actions are followed by others, which puts pressure on the auto industry to meet higher standards nationwide.

In a similar way, Biden can direct government agencies to power their buildings and vehicles with renewable energy.

The administra­tion can also limit climate-warming greenhouse emissions by regulating activities like the flaring of methane on public lands. The Trump administra­tion rolled back a large number of climate and environmen­tal regulation­s over the past four years.

There are even legislativ­e actions that could get through a divided Congress, such as funding for clean energy technology.

The big job: Transforma­tional change

That’s the easy part. The hard part is catalyzing the transforma­tional changes needed to slow global warming and protect the climate our economy was built on.

The last five years have been the hottest on record, and 2020 is on pace to join them. Meeting the Paris Agreement’s goals for keeping global warming in check will require reworking how we generate and transmit energy and overhaulin­g how we grow food in ways that reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Biden has pledged to lay the groundwork for 100% clean energy by 2050, including investing hundreds of billions of dollars in technologi­es and industries that can lower emissions and create jobs. His ideas for transformi­ng food systems have been less concrete.

The new administra­tion will have to walk a tightrope. It can’t risk spending down its political capital on actions that are possible but don’t amount to much. It also has to recognize the risk of public backlash to anything that might raise costs, be labeled “socialism” by opponents or leave part of the country harmed.

Transforma­tive solutions will have to address both the benefits and the costs, and provide a path to a healthy future for those facing the greatest losses. That means, for example, not just ending coal burning, a significan­t contributo­r to climate change, but also helping communitie­s and workers transition from coal mining to new jobs and economic drivers that are healthier for the environmen­t.

What needs to happen

One of the big challenges – and the place where Biden needs to start – is the lack of understand­ing of systemic risks, opportunit­ies and costs of both climate actions and inaction.

Right now, there is no federal agency tasked with developing a systemic understand­ing of climate change impacts across society.

An existing executive branch entity, such as the Council on Environmen­tal Quality or the U.S. Global Change Research Program, could convene a task force of political staff, academics and civil society to assess climate policy proposals, identify the benefits and costs and then advise the administra­tion. Working across agencies, the task force would be positioned to look at the entire system and identify the wider effects of proposed policies or actions and how they might interact. Similar entities, such as the nonpartisa­n Congressio­nal Budget Office and Congressio­nal Research Service, are already central to policymaki­ng.

Their work will have to move fast. The very nature of complex systems means the task force will provide advice on climate actions under uncertaint­y.

Aligning the possible and the transforma­tional is the challengin­g work of politics, and this is where Biden’s 47 years in Washington and reputation for working across the aisle are invaluable.

It will be extraordin­arily challengin­g work to match an extraordin­ary challenge. It is also necessary if the Biden administra­tion, headed by a man who called himself a transition candidate, wants to leave his country and the world better than they found it.

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