The Oakland Press

Economic illiteracy and unseemly xenophobia hit the U.S. Steel deal

- Reach George Will at georgewill@washpost.com.

The crisis du jour, according to some febrile senators, is a Japanese corporatio­n’s intention to buy America’s 573rd largest U.S. corporatio­n (as this is written, its market capitaliza­tion is smaller than that of Casey’s General Stores).

The U.S. corporatio­n for sale has fewer employees (22,470) than Dave & Buster’s (a chain of restaurant­s with games).

Three excitable Republican senators, all self-described conservati­ves, have temporaril­y suspended their vigilance against socialism to exhort the Biden administra­tion to prevent this market-directed efficiency in capital allocation. The senators — Ohio’s J.D. Vance, Missouri’s Josh Hawley and Florida’s Marco Rubio — say that if Nippon Steel, the world’s fourth-largest steelmaker, purchases U.S. Steel, the 27th-largest, U.S. national security will be imperiled.

Vance says U.S. Steel is a “critical piece” of the U.S. “defense industrial base.”

But this corporatio­n, which is just the fourth-largest U.S. steel producer, will still produce steel, but more efficientl­y. And Defense Secretary Jim Mattis said in 2017 that just 3 percent of domestic steel production is required for defense purposes. And Japan, one of the most important U.S. allies, will become more so as a collaborat­ive producer of an important commodity. And, by the way, Nippon vows to keep U.S. Steel’s headquarte­rs in Pittsburgh.

Rubio, whose campaign donors include domestic sugar producers, and who says sugar import quotas protect America’s “food security,” says the sale of U.S. Steel is a “poignant metaphor” for America’s “deindustri­alization.” Nippon, however, intends to modernize, not liquidate, U.S. Steel.

A Vance-Rubio-Hawley letter to the Biden administra­tion derides U.S. Steel for acting to maximize shareholde­r value, and says Nippon’s “allegiance­s clearly lie with a foreign state.” No, Nippon’s allegiance­s are to its shareholde­rs, who it thinks will prosper if U.S. Steel also does in alliance with Nippon.

Bruce Craig expects this. In a letter to the Wall Street Journal he said: “I am a steel metallurgi­cal engineer with more than 50 years consulting on large industrial projects around the world, some of which require very high quality steels. I have also been through many of the Nippon Steel mills and U.S. Steel mills. Without exception Nippon has some of the highest-quality steel-making technology of any steel producer in the world. U.S. Steel on the other hand ranks far below many of the other high-quality mills around the world. America would benefit by having Nippon Steel upgrade the quality of our steel-making.”

Pennsylvan­ia Sen. John Fetterman, a Democrat, calls it “outrageous” that

U.S. Steel is selling itself to a “foreign nation.” But Nippon is not a nation. Like U.S. Steel, it is a publicly traded private corporatio­n, some of whose shares probably are owned by U.S. individual­s and pension funds.

As Reason’s Eric Boehm notes, Nippon, which has been operating in America for 40 years, already owns two U.S.-based steelmaker­s, Standard Steel and Wheeling-Nippon Steel.

Time was, U.S. Steel symbolized American bountifuln­ess. (As did A&P grocery stores. Remember them? Didn’t think so.) But U.S. Steel peaked early.

Brian Potter, who writes the Constructi­ve Physics newsletter, says that when U.S. Steel was formed in

1901, it was the world’s largest corporatio­n, and the nation’s first billion dollar corporatio­n — its $1.4 billion valuation was more than twice the size of the federal budget. By 1971, however, U.S. Steel was no longer world’s largest steelmaker. It chose to become a ward of government.

It sought protection from foreign competitio­n through government “industrial policy” — protective tariffs, import quotas, subsidies, “Buy American” mandates, etc. — rather than through modernizat­ion.

Predictabl­y, its industrial muscles atrophied. Potter says: “As far as I can tell, no major steelmakin­g technology over the last century came out of U.S. Steel.”

Vance, Rubio and Hawley pose as protectors of workers (steelworke­rs are 0.05 percent of the non-farm labor force), but Nippon says it will keep U.S. Steel’s union commitment­s.

The senators seem somehow threatened by foreign corporatio­ns’ investment­s in the U.S. economy.

This, even though, as National Review reports, these investment­s are, cumulative­ly, larger than the German economy. And these investment­s come here to finance Americans making things here. Matthew J. Slaughter, dean of Dartmouth’s Tuck School of Business, recently noted in the Wall Street Journal that Japanese companies employ more than 963,000 Americans.

Economic illiteracy, mixed with foggy nostalgia and unseemly xenophobia, is a familiar populist cocktail served by demagogues to the gullible. Do you remember the 1989 angst when Mitsubishi’s purchase of Rockefelle­r Center supposedly somehow signaled Japan’s ascendancy over a declining America?

In 2000, a U.S. company bought Rockefelle­r Center. So, politician­s manning the nation’s ramparts to fend off foreign investors can breathe a bit easier.

Economic illiteracy, mixed with foggy nostalgia and unseemly xenophobia, is a familiar populist cocktail served by demagogues to the gullible. Do you remember the 1989 angst when Mitsubishi’s purchase of Rockefelle­r Center supposedly somehow signaled Japan’s ascendancy over a declining America?

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