Case against senator demanded swift action
W ITHIN 24 hours of the reports that Sen. Ralph Shortey, R-Oklahoma City, was being investigated for sex crimes allegedly involving a minor boy, the state Senate unanimously voted to strip Shortey of nearly all legislative authority. That sent a strong signal — and was in marked contrast to how lawmakers have reacted to other scandals involving their colleagues.
One hopes this reaction is the start of a new trend, and not an exception to the rule.
Moore police conducting a welfare check on a teenage boy last week found the youth in a hotel room with Shortey. Police reported that the room reeked of “raw marijuana” and said text messages showed Shortey had offered the boy money for “sexual stuff.”
On Wednesday afternoon, the Senate suspended Shortey’s power to author legislation, stripped him of his Capitol office and parking space, removed him from all committees and a committee vice-chair position, reassigned his assistant, banned future expenditures for his office expenses, ordered return of his state-owned laptop, and reassigned high school students serving in the Senate’s page program who would have otherwise worked for him.
Senators did everything but expel Shortey, which would have stripped him of his state paycheck, an apparent nod to the fact no criminal charges had been filed at that time. Three felony charges were filed Thursday, and several officials are demanding he resign. Given the lurid details contained in a police affidavit, it’s difficult to imagine Shortey surviving this scandal.
The Senate’s swift and appropriate action continues a gradual escalation in discipline imposed by lawmakers. Late in 2016, reports revealed the House of Representatives had paid a wrongful termination settlement to an aide who previously accused former Rep. Dan Kirby, R-Tulsa, of sexual harassment. The House set up an investigative committee, which soon found another assistant also accused Kirby of sexual harassment. She produced text messages in which he asked for topless photos.
The House panel ultimately recommended Kirby’s expulsion. He chose to resign instead.
In previous, comparable situations, lawmakers have been far less willing to act.
In June 2015, former Sen. Rick Brinkley, R-Owasso, was accused of embezzling money from his employer, the Better Business Bureau of Tulsa. Brinkley resigned from his committee chairmanships, but faced no direct penalty from other senators. Brinkley didn’t resign until he pleaded guilty in August 2015. He ultimately was sentenced to federal prison for stealing more than $1.8 million.
When former Rep. Randy Terrill, R-Moore, was charged in December 2010 with bribing a senator, the House established a special investigative committee. That group reported it did “not discount any of the statements” presented by witnesses and “assumes they are true,” but still recommended against disciplining Terrill in any way. Terrill was convicted of felony bribery in 2013.
The aforementioned cases only grew worse with time, and may have prompted senators to act more quickly in this instance. Regardless, lawmakers do themselves no favors when they ignore or tolerate corruption from anyone, anywhere in state government. Their response in Shortey’s case should serve as a template for future situations of corruption or misdeeds.