The Oklahoman

A need for serious distinctio­ns

- Jonah Goldberg JonahsColu­mn@ aol.com

There’s a consensus aborning: There should be zero tolerance for sexual harassment, exploitati­on and violence of any kind. Enthusiasm for the new dawn varies widely. Some think it’s a great feminist or moral awakening. Others see an era of witch hunts, prudery and weaponized politics in our future. Put me down for all of the above. As a conservati­ve, this seems natural to me. Almost every good thing comes with a downside, and virtually every bad thing comes with an upside.

Whenever popular passion swamps politics, truebeliev­ing zealots and opportunis­tic demagogues will exploit that passion. The zealots will overreach. The demagogues will demagogue — using a good cause to destroy political enemies and defend unworthy allies.

Republican Senate candidate Roy Moore is credibly accused by nine women of preying on teenagers. Harvey Weinstein is credibly accused by at least 50 women of a long list of offenses, including rape. Democratic Sen. Al Franken has been accused by two women of inappropri­ate advances or groping.

These are just the recent lowlights. A host of prominent journalist­s as well as Hollywood actors, writers and producers have been accused of varying degrees of misconduct.

We shouldn’t stand for any of it. And yet, the severity of our intoleranc­e should run on a spectrum. Rape should put you in jail. Making a pass at a subordinat­e in the workplace should have consequenc­es. Making one at a bar? It depends. Taking harassment seriously also requires making serious distinctio­ns.

The problem is that the logic of zero tolerance often renders every bad act as equally unacceptab­le.

As much as I dislike Franken, making a gross pass at an adult woman is different than molesting a 14-year-old girl. Groping a woman’s backside is not the same thing as raping a woman. And yet Franken’s name is routinely listed alongside Moore’s and Weinstein’s. Some of this leveling is journalist­ic laziness. But a lot of it is partisan demagoguer­y and opportunis­m.

Partisansh­ip also leads to what you might call antileveli­ng: people who ignore wrongdoing on “their side” even as they attack their enemies.

Some Republican­s insist Franken must resign but say the people of Alabama should decide what to do about Moore. When asked why people should judge the accusation­s against Moore and President Trump differentl­y than accusation­s against Franken and others, the White House says Moore and Trump’s denials inoculate them from condemnati­on or any practical consequenc­es.

Denials should matter, and accusation­s absent additional evidence should invite skepticism. But the upshot is that alleged miscreants should simply deny rather than admit wrongdoing and apologize. According to this logic, Bill Clinton deserved the benefit of every doubt until he was finally forced by the evidence to admit (some of) his misdeeds.

Worse, implicit to the White House argument is that on-the-record testimony from victims doesn’t count as evidence, even when corroborat­ed by testimony from confidante­s.

But the most dangerous and corrupting force in all of this is not the weaponizat­ion of bad behavior, but the weaponizat­ion of hypocrisy. The pastor Franklin Graham even argues that the real villains are Moore’s critics, who “are guilty of doing much worse than” what Moore has supposedly done.

In an effort to defend members of their team, partisans end up defending the underlying behavior itself. After all, you can only be a hypocrite if you violate some principle you preach. If you ditch the principle, you can dodge the hypocrisy charge. We’re seeing this happen in real time with some of Moore’s defenders, just as we saw it with Clinton’s in the 1990s.

We’ll sort it all out eventually, but not before it gets even uglier.

NOTE: Charles Krauthamme­r is away.

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