The Oklahoman

The fallacy about U.S. infrastruc­ture

- NOTE: Charles Krauthamme­r remains away. Jonah Goldberg JonahsColu­mn@ aol.com

It’s Infrastruc­ture Week (again), and who among us can contain his excitement? The president, for one.

According to reports, President Trump wanted to announce the biggest investment in public works since President Eisenhower unveiled the interstate highway system. But in the wake of tax cuts, the real deficit was too big to close what Trump calls “the infrastruc­ture deficit.” So he had to settle for a plan that would spend $200 billion in federal taxpayer money over the next decade and lay the rest of the $1.5 trillion on state and local taxpayers.

It almost surely won’t fly. Many states are as broke as the federal government — and they can’t print money.

In his Big Building, Big Spending ambitions, Trump is at his most convention­al. Politician­s, as transporta­tion expert Randal O’Toole puts it, have a deep-seated bias in favor of “ribbon-cutting over brooms.” You can put your name on a new tunnel or bridge. It’s harder to take credit for fixing an existing one.

Even Trump’s insistence that our infrastruc­ture is “crumbling” is among the most enduring cliches of American politics.

A search of LexisNexis shows America’s infrastruc­ture has been crumbling since the late 1970s.

And it’s simply not true.

The most recent data is from 2012, when President Obama was insisting that our infrastruc­ture was crumbling. At that time, 80 percent of our highways were in acceptable shape or better. Nearly 97 percent of rural roads met that grade.

Bridge failures in Washington state in 2013 and Minnesota in 2007 were greeted as symbolic proof of systemic disrepair. But the Washington state bridge collapsed because a truck driver carrying an oversized load ignored posted warnings. It would have collapsed if it had been brand-new. And the Minnesota collapse was the result of a constructi­on defect.

Meanwhile, the conditions of our bridges have been improving consistent­ly for the past two decades.

Of course some American infrastruc­ture could use updating. The problem, however, isn’t underinves­tment. In 2014, according to the Congressio­nal Budget Office, federal state and local government­s spent $416 billion on infrastruc­ture.

The real problem is that we don’t spend money on the right problems.

A recent expose by The New York Times showed that politician­s and the unions that own them are to blame for the Big Apple’s deteriorat­ing subway system. For years they’ve raided transporta­tion funds for pet projects, like failing upstate ski resorts.

Beyond New York, a perfect storm of ribboncutt­ing fetishizin­g, environmen­talism and envy of other countries has led to high-speed-rail mania. Although zippy trains are nifty, they zoom past the fact America has the best rail system — for our needs. In Europe, trucks move goods and trains move people. In America, we do it the other way around.

Trump’s proposal does include a few worthwhile ambitions, such as streamlini­ng the approval process for public works and improving incentives to come in under budget.

The Trump plan, however, would leave it to Congress to figure out how to de-boondoggle-ize infrastruc­ture projects, which is not a cause for optimism.

Trump sees infrastruc­ture investment pretty much the same way Democrats do — as a jobs program. That doesn’t work either (see: Japan). But if Trump had begun his presidency with building as his top priority, he would have won a lot of bipartisan support and turned the GOP into a big-government party much sooner.

Alas — or, depending on your point of view, lucky break — he spent his capital, political and fiscal, elsewhere. And now there’s none left for the riot of ribbon-cutting he wanted.

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