The Oklahoman

Trump should put away his pen and phone

- Rich Lowry @RichLowry

All of a sudden, we’re all originalis­ts and believers in the sagacity and inviolate handiwork of long-ago white males. President Donald Trump’s trial balloon about changing birthright citizenshi­p via executive order has brought a hail of denunciati­ons. He wants, the critics say, to change the Constituti­on under his own power, in the service of the allegedly racist goal of excluding the children of illegal immigrants from U.S. citizenshi­p.

Contrary to the chest-beating, there’s a serious case that the 14th Amendment, which grants citizenshi­p to anyone born here who is “subject to the jurisdicti­on” of the United States, is ambiguous on whether the provision applies to illegal immigrants. And, as a policy, nearly unlimited birthright citizenshi­p has obvious downsides.

But the executive order the president is contemplat­ing is a bad idea.

The argument about the 14th Amendment is whether it, with the exception of diplomats and foreign armies, is meant to give citizenshi­p to the children of anyone here, or whether it requires some deeper allegiance to the United States. The case for the latter, more limited interpreta­tion has some formidable advocates, but the expansive view has more supporters and also long-standing practice on its side.

It would certainly be instructiv­e to have the Supreme Court weigh in, since the question of illegal immigrants hasn’t been directly addressed by the courts, and no one who debated and adopted the 14th Amendment contemplat­ed a large-scale influx of undocument­ed immigrants, or the rise of birth tourism.

Illegal immigrants, of course, come here in open defiance of our laws and stay by continuall­y violating our laws. They are subject to our jurisdicti­on, but do everything they can to evade it. As a policy matter, it is perverse that illegal immigrants win one of the world’s great lotteries through their lawbreakin­g, by getting citizenshi­p for their children.

So it’s understand­able that Trump opposes the status quo, and is frustrated by it. But that doesn’t mean he should issue an executive order.

Despite the cottage industry of analysis of him as a budding Hitler, Trump has so far avoided the unilateral excesses of President Barack Obama. By and large, his executive orders and regulation­s have been devoted to reversing Obama’s. A birthright order would be different.

Congress has legislated in this area and codified the language of the 14th Amendment. It hasn’t acted to change the interpreta­tion of birthright citizenshi­p, even though it had ample opportunit­y to do so across the decades. (An effort led by Harry Reid in the 1990s never went anywhere.)

So if Trump wants to test the limits of birthright citizenshi­p, he really needs Congress to move, which it won’t. Desperatio­n to change the rules on immigratio­n even though Congress wouldn’t act is what made Obama rewrite the immigratio­n laws on his own. Trump should resist the same temptation.

Regardless, if the president goes down this route, he will likely get swamped in the courts. There would be an immediate injunction. A case might not even make it to the Supreme Court, and the courts wouldn’t even have to speak to the underlying issue of birthright citizenshi­p — they could just rule that the executive order exceeds the president’s authority. Even such a limited decision would be widely interprete­d as an affirmatio­n of the current interpreta­tion of the 14th Amendment.

The best way to combat illegal immigratio­n is an E-Verify system that requires employers to ascertain whether their employees are legal. It doesn’t have the emotive power of Trump’s other immigratio­n priorities — the wall, troops at the border, and now this — but it is more achievable and would be more effective.

Meanwhile, he should put his pen and phone away.

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