The Palm Beach Post

Thoughtful conservati­sm can tame reactionar­ies

- He writes for the New York Times.

David Brooks

History is often a volley between revolution­aries (who take control in some periods) and reactionar­ies (who drive events in others). Today, as the Columbia political theorist Mark Lilla points out in his compelling new book, “The Shipwrecke­d Mind: On Political Reaction,” reactionar­ies are in the saddle.

Reactionar­ies, whether angry white Trumpians, European nationalis­ts, radical Islamists or leftwing anti-globalists, are loud, self-confident and on the march.

Reactionar­ies share a similar mentality: There was once a golden age, when people knew their place and lived in harmony. But then that golden age was betrayed by the elites.

Soon, they believe, a false and decadent consciousn­ess descended upon the land. “Only those who have preserved memories of the old ways see what is happening,” Lilla notes. Only the reactionar­ies have the wisdom to return things to the way they used to be, to “Make America Great Again.”

“Reactionar­ies are not conservati­ves,” Lilla continues. “They are, in their way, just as radical as revolution­aries and just as firmly in the grip of historical imaginings.”

Reactionar­ies have a militant, apocalypti­c mind-set, a crisis mentality. They will take extreme, violent action to turn back the clock.

It’s understand­able that we would be living in a reactionar­y moment. The periods after financial crises are always bumpy politicall­y. Whether it was the 1890s, the 1930s or today, such periods often thrust up ugly, backward-looking ideologies.

Eras after mass immigratio­n tend to be bumpy, too. There tends to be a repulse against the sudden influx of new people. Moreover, for many groups, especially the less-educated working class, life genuinely is worse than it was in the mid-’60s.

The more serious problem is today’s pervasive and self-reinforcin­g pessimism, which feeds the reactionar­y impulse.

The best weapon against the reactionar­y is not bubbly, blind opti- mism. It is, frankly, temperamen­tal conservati­sm. It is the belief that, thanks to the general spread of market freedom and cultural pluralism, our society is becoming stumblingl­y but gradually richer, more just and more creative. But economic and technologi­cal dynamism needs to be balanced by cultural cohesion.

It’s stupid and impossible to turn back the clock. History is a repository of wise cultures. Ming dynasty China, medieval Germany, Victorian England each contained wisdom and had its own strengths and weaknesses.

The conservati­ve looks fondly to the past not as a paradise to return to but as a treasure trove of experience to borrow from. The conservati­ve seeks to revive, restore and reconstruc­t — to use the gifts of the dead to make the present a little sweeter and deeper. Many of history’s most inspiring leaps forward (the Renaissanc­e) came from a blending of past cultural and spiritual wisdom with present technologi­cal advance.

The global pluralisti­c marketplac­e is a permanentl­y revolution­ary force. If you don’t balance it with the communal, humanistic and spiritual countercul­tures from the past then the people, naked, will try to reject it altogether. They’ll succumb to the angry extremism of reaction and discard progress whole cloth.

That impulse is on the march just now.

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