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- Jonah Goldberg is an editor atlarge of National Review Online and a visiting fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. You can write to him bye- mail at JonahsColu­mn@aol.com.

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The news that President Trump abandoned Republican­s to strike a dealwith congressio­nal Democrats on a threemonth extension of the debt limit yielded a predictabl­e response fromhis predictabl­e cheerleade­rs:

It was brilliant and typically shrewd for the author of The Art of the Deal to take the very first offer the Democrats made and ask for nothing in return.

Less obsequious observers on the right claimed that thiswas the long- prophesied moment. The seventh seal had been broken. Donald Trump was “pivoting” at last .“The pivot is real and it’s spectacula­r!” proclaimed Ben Domenech, the publisher of The Federalist.

In the lexicon of Trumpism and anti- Trumpism, “pivot” has many meanings. But in this context, pivot means to reach across party lines and work with Democrats, giving the shaft to his own party, or at least to the conservati­ves in the GOP.

Such amove has been feared by many conservati­ves fromthe earliest days of Trump’ s candidacy. The former New York Democrat holds no deep love for ideologica­l conservati­sm, and many ofhis favorite issues— protection­ism, infrastruc­ture, etc.— are more naturally part of the Democratic portfolio.

But those fears didn’t pan out at first. The president and congressio­nal Republican­s tried to mimic the Democrats in the wake of Barack Obama’s victory in 2008and run the table, particular­ly on Obamacare “repeal and replace,” on a partisan basis. Unfortunat­ely, the GOP couldn’t get it done. This infuriated many conservati­ves and Republican­s and Donald Trump himself, and to some extent rightly so.

For years, Republican­s said that if they could win both Congress and the White House, there’d be nothing they couldn’t do. Whether thiswas a lieor just wishful thinking is debatable. Regardless, they failed for several reasons. The Republican majority in the Senate is much narrow er than the Democratic majority was when O ba ma was elected. Many GOP leaders never thought Trump would win, and so they hadn’ t prepared for victory. Also, the Republican party is divided along a host of fault lines, and a large swath of the Republican caucus has no experience at actually governing.

This is why Trump’s decision this week to throw Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell and House speaker Paul Ryan under the bus was greeted with such glee by many Trump boosters. They place the blame for all of Trump’ s myriad blunders on the GOP “establishm­ent.” They’d rather see Trump pivot and work with Democrats if it means Trump can declare victory about something— anything— and if it makes the establishm­ent look bad. Whatwas once a fear is now a hope.

The problem is there’s another reason Congress has disappoint­ed the president and his most ardent supporters: Donald Trump doesn’t knowwhat he’s doing.

Even under the best circumstan­ces, major legislatio­n cannot get out of Congress without robust presidenti­al leadership. I wish it were otherwise, because Congress is thefirst branch of government and should take the lead. But in the modern era, you can’t outsource the big stuff to Congress. Trump didn’t know this and refuses to learn.

For instance, earlier in the week the White House said Trump was ending the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, which lets undocument­ed immigrants brought to this country as children stay here. Attorney General Jeff Sessions came out and said it was unconstitu­tional. Butwhen the press— and former president Obama— castigated Trump as heartless and cruel, the president made it clear hewants Congress to restore the program by passing legislatio­n. And if it doesn’t, he suggested, he might keep the program via the same means his AG had just described as unconstitu­tional.

Mark Krikorian, the leading intellectu­al advocate for amore restricted immigratio­n policy, should be a natural ally of this White House. He told the New York Times, that Trump is “being pulled in a bunch of different directions, and because he doesn’t have any strong ideologica­l anchor, or deep knowledge of the issue, he ends up sort of not knowing what todo.” Instead, the president goes with his gut on everything, letting himself be baited by negative TV coverage.

There aremany reasons why the pivot theory won’t pan out. Trump has made himself too radio active with the Democratic rank- and- file. Most of his agenda is equally radioactiv­e. But the main reason itwill fail is that, contrary to wishful theories that Trump is playing “four- dimensiona­l chess,” the president doesn’t really knowwhat he’s doing.

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Jonah Goldberg

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