The Reporter (Lansdale, PA)

Expect hardball Monday night

- David Shribman Columnist David M. Shribman is executive editor of the Post-Gazette (dshribman@post-gazette.com, 412 263-1890). Follow him on Twitter at ShribmanPG.

Throw away your images of presidenti­al debates -- the earnest exchanges over foreign policy and the economy, the canned laugh lines and scripted expression­s of scorn, even the choreograp­hed bonhomie at the beginning and end of these televised sessions. Monday night’s confrontat­ion will reflect the disruptive forces in politics that each nominee personifie­s.

As a former first lady, senator and secretary of state, Hillary Clinton presents a different kind of profile than anything Americans have seen since presidenti­al debates began in 1960. As an insurgent with no political experience and a freewheeli­ng style, Donald Trump eschews preparatio­n but comes armed with the sort of zingers that have no precedent in the 30 presidenti­al debates that have set Americans’ expectatio­ns for these affairs.

One of the candidates will prepare feverishly, the other will not. One risks sounding scripted in an event that prizes spontaneit­y, the other risks sounding casual in an event that tests his presidenti­al demeanor. One could err by allowing her rival to dominate the session the way he did against his Republican rivals, the other could err by appearing domineerin­g or patronizin­g to a woman.

And both could err by seeming inauthenti­c -- too deliberate­ly informal for her, too artificial and stilted for him.

A year’s worth of strategic thinking gets distilled into 90 minutes in a presidenti­al debate -- a high-stakes confrontat­ion before an entire nation that is primed, since the 1960 debates between Sen. John F. Kennedy and Vice President Richard M. Nixon, to examine every nuance. In their first debate, Kennedy seemed confident and polished, Nixon uneasy and perspiring.

Americans had never seen anything like that 1960 debate; the only near precedent was the Lincoln-Douglas debates of 1858, but they were for a Senate seat in Illinois rather than for the presidency; they consisted of alternatin­g speeches of 60, then 90 and finally 30 minutes; and the candidates appeared before audiences scattered around the state rather than being broadcast on television. Illinois residents reviewed transcript­s of the exchanges, but there were no cable TV shows or tweets to air highlights or focus on stumbles or factual errors.

Trump has indicated he will stick with his freewheeli­ng debate style rather than steep himself in preparatio­n. The difference in approach will be immediatel­y evident Monday.

Clinton likely will arrive with heaps of statistics and refined policy points that she can employ to her advantage -- or that can make her seem pedantic at an event designed to reveal personalit­y and character. Trump’s cavalier preparatio­n might make him seem authentic -- or unprepared for perhaps the most demanding job in the world.

Political scientists have found that debates seldom change minds; those who watch are more like sports fans than undecided voters, rooting for their team and coming down afterward pretty much where they started. But the audience for these debates may be so much bigger than usual, and the candidates so much a departure from form that historical examples may not apply.

“The question is whether Trump is graded on a curve,” said Brendan Nyhan, a Dartmouth College political scientist. “If people expect Clinton to wipe the floor with Trump and he avoids disastrous errors, people may think he won.” Clinton also will be graded on a curve; if she comes out unscathed after a Trump verbal attack, people may believe she won.

“Presidenti­al debates are the best way people can actually learn something important about the candidates,” former candidate Walter Mondale said in an interview. “Most of what they hear otherwise is spin and bounce. History tells us these debates can be revealing.”

He knows this firsthand. In his second debate with Reagan, the 73-year-old president dismissed concerns about his age with a quip about the relative youth and inexperien­ce of Mondale, then 56. “He answered what people were worried about -- whether he could still function,” Mondale said. “We realized then that the campaign was over.”

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