The Reporter (Lansdale, PA)

End secrecy on Trump-Russia probe

- Byron York Columnist

On Jan. 24, 2017, then-national security adviser Michael Flynn was questioned by the FBI in his White House office. The session, focusing on Flynn’s transition talks with the Russian ambassador, led to Flynn pleading guilty to a charge of lying to investigat­ors. He is now awaiting sentencing.

But why did FBI agents go to the White House in the first place? We still don’t know precisely, because we have only snippets of informatio­n from the various Trump-Russia investigat­ions. There’s no reason it should be a big secret, but it is.

Newly unredacted portions of the House Intelligen­ce Committee Republican­s’ Trump-Russia report say top Justice Department and FBI officials — Sally Yates, James Comey, Andrew McCabe and Mary McCord — gave “conflictin­g testimony” about the “primary purpose” for sending the FBI to question Flynn.

Some said the reason for interviewi­ng Flynn was “investigat­ing potentiall­y misleading statements to the vice president,” according to the report. Some said it was investigat­ing “a possible violation of the Logan Act.” And some said it was “a desire to obtain more informatio­n as part of the counterint­elligence investigat­ion” into Flynn.

Who said what? It’s impossible to know, because the committee has not released the interviews it conducted with each of those players in the Flynn affair. Beyond the specific issue of the Flynn questionin­g, the Republican report’s little snippets of quotations and characteri­zations of testimony leave much untold. They also leave many wondering whether the GOP told the whole story of what its investigat­ors gathered.

In their minority report, House Intelligen­ce Committee Democrats included a few passages from interviews with key figures — former Office of National Intelligen­ce chief James Clapper on his contacts with the press, McCabe on the Logan Act, and more. But of course, the brief passages are just the ones Democrats want the public to see. Like Republican­s, they leave a lot out.

The bottom line is that the public still does not know what many important players have told the House about the Trump-Russia affair.

The solution is obvious and simple: Release the transcript­s of the committee’s witness interviews. It would be a public service — actually, it is a public responsibi­lity — for the committee to release those interviews.

A good example is about to be set by the Senate Judiciary Committee. “(The Trump Tower) section of our investigat­ion is done,” Judiciary Committee chairman Charles Grassley announced in January. “So, now it’s time to start officially releasing the transcript­s of all witness interviews we have done related to that meeting.” Grassley said that four months ago, and it has taken all this time to get committee Democrats and the intelligen­ce community to go along with releasing the transcript­s. That release is said to be coming soon.

Capitol Hill’s secrecy is nothing compared to that of special counsel Robert Mueller, whose lawyers recently declined to tell a federal judge in open court what their investigat­ion is about. In court, Mueller prosecutor Michael Dreeben essentiall­y admitted that the May 17, 2017, order appointing Mueller and stating the subject of the investigat­ion was just for show. Mueller’s real assignment — the factual statement defining the limits of his investigat­ion — remains a secret.

Mueller got his marching orders, Dreeben said, in secret conversati­ons with deputy attorney general Rod Rosenstein. “The specific factual statement ... was conveyed to the special counsel upon his appointmen­t in ongoing discussion­s that defined the parameters of the investigat­ion.” It was all done in secret.

Federal District Judge T.S. Ellis’ incredulou­s reply was simple: “Come on, man.” Ellis ordered Dreeben to show him the special counsel’s complete assignment. That’s a good thing — but of course, it will happen in secret. The public still won’t know.

And that has been the problem with this investigat­ion, going back to the beginning. In February, I wrote that in the Trump-Russia probe, “Too much material is secret, too much is classified, and too many attacks are launched and defenses mounted with too little public knowledge of the underlying facts.”

That’s still true, and becoming more so every day.

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