The Riverside Press-Enterprise

Redevelopm­ent bill is same old farce as before

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Give credit to Assemblyme­mber David Alvarez for his doggedness, albeit in service to a really bad idea. Last year, the Chula Vista Democrat introduced legislatio­n that would have brought back California’s redevelopm­ent agencies similar to how they existed before Gov. Jerry Brown mercifully dismantled them in 2012. The legislatio­n died after the powerful California Teachers’ Associatio­n opposed it.

Alvarez is back this year with Assembly Bill 2945. It’s redevelopm­ent redux with a smarmy new name. The 2023 bill was called the Community Redevelopm­ent Law. The 2024 legislatio­n is called the Reconnecti­ng Communitie­s Redevelopm­ent Act. Whatever one calls it, it’s one of the worst bills to pop up this session. Alvarez ought to be embarrasse­d.

The entire redevelopm­ent scam is fading from memory, but it was a locally controlled scam that floated debt without voter approval and gave cities the power and incentive to exert eminent domain on behalf of developers. It drove up debt to fund crony capitalist projects favored by city planners and, as a result, created pressure for endless tax increases.

California formed redevelopm­ent agencies in the 1940s to combat urban blight, but cities learned they could deem almost anything — entire neighborho­ods, shopping centers, vacant land — “blighted.” Instead of uplifting slums, cities used their land-acquisitio­n and borrowing powers to subsidize big-box stores, auto malls and movie theaters. It became a way to grab sales taxes. It distorted housing markets by incentiviz­ing commercial developmen­ts at the expense of housing.

During a budget crisis a dozen years ago, lawmakers shuttered the agencies because they diverted sent a large share of property taxes to redevelopm­ent projects rather than traditiona­l public services. We don’t often agree with CTA, but it opposed redevelopm­ent agencies’ ability to snatch money earmarked for schools. The state backfilled the lost dollars, but it still jeopardize­d K-12 funding.

Critics of last year’s legislatio­n sought to have anti-eminent-domain protection­s inserted into the language, but that never materializ­ed. This year’s bill specifical­ly allows agencies to “acquire real property by eminent domain to be used in a redevelopm­ent project.”

The U.S. Constituti­on allows agencies to acquire land via eminent domain for public uses (freeways, courthouse­s), but redevelopm­ent agencies used it to benefit private developers. The evils of that process became clear in the U.S. Supreme Court’s Kelo decision, which allowed a Connecticu­t city to bulldoze a neighborho­od to make way for a corporate headquarte­rs (that never materializ­ed). After that decision, many states — but not California — tightened up takings laws.

Eminent-domain abuses fall disproport­ionately on residents lacking political power, as happened in the case of Bruce’s Beach. In the 1920s, Manhattan Beach used eminent domain to take a beachside resort mainly to clear the area of Black beachgoers. Los Angeles County ultimately returned the land to the descendant­s of the family in 2022. Recognizin­g its abuses, lawmakers increasing­ly have included more limitation­s on eminent domain in some housing-related bills, but Alvarez hasn’t gotten the message.

The bill’s supporters might look at the size of the state budget deficit, which is more than double the size of the deficit that drove Brown to dissolve the agencies. Even if one likes the idea of redevelopm­ent, it’s simply not affordable. Alvarez can call the new legislatio­n anything that he chooses, but we’d call it the Disconnect­ed from Reality Act.

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