The Saratogian (Saratoga, NY)

Republican­s are scared of Stacey Abrams

- E.J. Dionne’s email address is ejdionne@washpost.com. Twitter: @EJDionne. EJ Dionne Columnist

By engaging in voter suppressio­n, Stacey Abrams’s opponents are paying her the highest possible compliment.

The former Democratic minority leader of the state House of Representa­tives, Yale Law School grad and the first African American woman to be nominated by a major party for governor is so close to winning that Republican­s seem to think the only way to stop her is to keep thousands from casting ballots.

And it happens that her GOP opponent, Brian Kemp, is the secretary of state, the man overseeing this election. He made clear to his supporters that the thing worrying him most is . . . a lot of people voting.

Kemp’s recent comments on the subject were recorded at a ticketed campaign event and leaked to Rolling Stone. He expressed alarm at the success of Abrams’s campaign in generating “an unpreceden­ted number” of absentee ballots, and that this was “something that continues to concern us, especially if everybody uses and exercises their right to vote — which they absolutely can — and mail those ballots in. We gotta have a heavy turnout to offset that.”

Rarely have citizens received such a direct lesson in the power of democracy.

Abrams, who has spearheade­d efforts over the years to mobilize new voters in a state undergoing rapid demographi­c changes, is not surprised. “I think they’re shocked to find that this is a dead heat,” Abrams told me in an interview. “If we turn out unlikely voters, if we turn out those who aren’t typically seen as part of the midterm electorate, then I will win this election.”

She criticized Kemp at a debate on Tuesday for leaving 53,000 voter registrati­on applicatio­ns” pending,” in most cases because of a law requiring that the names on applicatio­ns exactly match those on other government documents. “The reality is, voter suppressio­n is not simply about being told no,” Abrams said. “It’s about being told it’s going to be hard to cast a ballot.”

Abrams’s identity would make her election historic. But her campaign also matters because she represents the growing strength of a pragmatic style of progressiv­ism that could transform the politics of states long cast as conservati­ve bastions.

Despite Kemp’s predictabl­e efforts to paint Abrams as radical, she is proud of her record of working with Republican­s to secure incrementa­l victories. In a speech Sunday at a union hall here, she ticked off some of them: “funding for kinship care for grandparen­ts who were raising grandchild­ren,” “more money into public transit than at any time in 30 years” and a new program for returning veterans.

“I am a progressiv­e with Georgia values,” she said on her campaign bus, which has traveled to some of the most Republican counties in the state. Her strategy is twofold: stepping up turnout among Democratic voters who normally skip midterms and cutting GOP margins in their own areas from, say, 80-20 to 70-30 or less.

“People who want to make a good living need good jobs, and that means you have to work with business if you want to be progressiv­e,” she said. “And [when] you live in a state where Republican­s control every mechanism of politics, then you’ve got to be able to work with everyone. And the ability to work with everyone is sometimes cast as being moderate. I consider it pragmatism. I can’t win by myself.”

Like Democrats elsewhere, Abrams is making health care a major theme, promising to embrace the Affordable Care Act’s Medicaid expansion, which the state has rejected up to now. This appeals not only to low-income voters who would finally get health insurance (“You are not too poor in Georgia for us to serve you,” she said at her rally) but also to rural counties that have faced hospital closures.

The polls show a contest that’s virtually tied — and could go into a December runoff if a Libertaria­n candidate pulls enough votes to deprive either Abrams or Kemp of a majority.

Today’s efforts to roll back black political participat­ion are often described as the end of the Second Reconstruc­tion represente­d by the Civil Rights era. But Abrams has an answer to the forces of reaction. “We have to always be vigilant about the retrenchme­nt, but we’ve got to be even more aggressive about the progress,” she said, “because the further ahead we get, the harder it is to drag us back.”

On Nov. 6, Georgia’s voters will decide how big a leap they want their state to take. It will help a lot if all of them have the chance to cast ballots.

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