The Sentinel-Record

Macron beats Le Pen, but can he lead France?

- Joshua Cole AP’s The Conversati­on

In the second round of the French presidenti­al election, extremism lost.

It is less clear what won. Estimates after the polls closed had Emmanuel Macron winning with 63.7 percent of the vote. National Front candidate Marine Le Pen took approximat­ely 36.3 percent. That’s less than the

40 percent some polls gave her as recently as two weeks prior to the vote, but more than twice as much as the

17.8 percent her father, Jean Marie Le Pen, received in his 2002 faceoff against former President Jacques Chirac. Turnout was lower than any presidenti­al election since 1969, with 23.5 percent of registered voters staying home. What’s more, 12 percent of those who did show up submitted a blank ballot, more than double the number of blank votes in previous elections.

Macron has won the presidency, but he has yet to demonstrat­e that he can rally a majority of the French behind a coherent set of policies or attract a majority in Parliament.

Getting to work

The last-minute revelation that Macron’s campaign organizati­on “En Marche!” — meaning “Let’s get to work!” — had been the target of a “massive and coordinate­d hacking operation” seems to have had little effect on the outcome. Approximat­ely 14.5

gigabytes of emails and documents from Macron’s campaign appeared online only hours before the beginning of the traditiona­l 44-hour media silence before the polls open. Macron’s campaign immediatel­y announced that false documents had been included in the release. The identity of the hackers remains under investigat­ion, but some are already pointing at Russia.

The hacking attack, coming on the heels of similar attempts to influence the outcome of the U.S. presidenti­al election in November 2016, was not a complete surprise. It indicates the extent to which democracie­s throughout the world are subject to manipulati­on by outside forces. This is the new normal.

Macron’s promised reforms

Macron’s plans for his presidency rest almost entirely on his plans for economic reform. Key initiative­s in the weeks to come will include a reform of the labor code designed to make it easier for employers to hire and fire workers and simplifica­tion of the regulation­s affecting small businesses. He has promised to shrink the number of state employees and establish stronger ethics rules for the public sector. He will also look to reinforce European cooperatio­n through partnershi­p with Germany.

The voters’ choice of Macron was a resounding defeat for Marine le Pen, whose extremism became more pronounced in the final days of the election. With her poll numbers declining, she clearly decided to go for the jugular. Her aggressive attacks and mocking tone during the televised debate on May 3 broke a long-establishe­d tradition of more genteel self-presentati­on in such events. She accused Macron of being “the cherished child of the system and of elites” and “the candidate of savage globalizat­ion.” Macron responded by accusing her of “permanentl­y lying” about her own positions.

For years now, Le Pen has been saying that she “purged the devils” from the French National Front, the racist and xenophobic party founded by her father, Jean Marie Le Pen. Her father was well-known in the 1980s and 1990s for minimizing the place of the Holocaust in the history of World War II. Marine Le Pen attempted to move beyond this sort of controvers­y after she took over the party in 2009.

Much of her work was undone when she appointed a known Holocaust denier to replace her as interim head of the National Front after the first round of the election on April 23.

Jean-François Jalkh stepped down from his post within 24 hours, but the damage was done. Jalkh was not well-known to the French public, but he has long been a central figure within the National Front, and he played a crucial role in establishi­ng Marine Le Pen as the successor to her father in 2009.

Representa­tives of France’s bitterest political traditions — which include anti-Semitism, collaborat­ion with the Nazis, support for fascism and the die-hard defense of French imperialis­m — still exist within Le Pen’s party. The National Front remains deeply attached to an embittered vision of France as an aggrieved nation under siege from outside forces that include foreign migrants, European bureaucrat­s and financial elites.

Facing an enormous challenge

In the absence of candidates from France’s traditiona­l parties of the center left and center right, which failed to attract support in the first round of voting, Macron became the default candidate of grown-ups in France. He was an establishm­ent candidate unencumber­ed with the baggage of a traditiona­l party affiliatio­n. This allowed him to appear as a fresh alternativ­e to the unpopular presidency of François Hollande, but his lack of an establishe­d party network to support his initiative­s creates an enormous challenge in the coming months.

Macron’s vision is of a France that can remain open to the world and to Europe, in spite of the challenges posed by terrorism and cultural and religious diversity. The government­s of France’s European neighbors, especially Germany, will welcome his election even as right-wing nationalis­ts throughout the world will celebrate Le Pen’s strong showing.

Macron’s promise that France can be both economical­ly dynamic and faithful to its tradition of social solidarity has yet to be demonstrat­ed. His success depends on his ability to rally a majority behind his program in the legislativ­e elections. Those will take place in two rounds. On June 11, the first round will feature candidates from multiple parties. On June 18, there will be runoff elections in districts where no candidate received more than 50 percent of the vote.

Current polls show Macron’s new party, En Marche!, winning between 249-286 seats in Parliament, which would be enough to make it the largest party in France but not enough to claim a majority in the 577 seat assembly. To win that many seats, Macron will have to run a candidate in every district — and he will have to do this with an organizati­on that has never run a legislativ­e campaign before. The National Front, meanwhile, is projected to win only 15-25 seats. With long experience in municipal politics, however, the National Front is not likely to go away.

This is the beginning of a long struggle for Macron, not the end of one.

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