The Sentinel-Record

Are we overreacti­ng to Paris Agreement withdrawal?

- Nives Dolsak and Aseem Prakash AP’s The Conversati­on Nives Dolsak is a professor of Environmen­tal Policy at the University of Washington. Aseem Prakash is a Walker Family professor and founding director at the Center for Environmen­tal Politics, University

The Trump administra­tion has announced the U.S. will withdraw from the Paris Agreement on climate change. Should we expect any substantiv­e effect on global climate efforts or changes to other U.S. climate policies?

Some suggest there will be additional emissions of up to three billion metric tons of carbon dioxide in the air a year. Others point to higher U.S. emissions due to potentiall­y diluted auto fuel efficiency standards and changes to rules to restrict methane leaks from the oil and gas industry.

To be sure, the decision to pull the U.S. out of a global agreement is a dramatic one. But we suggest that this withdrawal is a symbolic action with little substantiv­e impact on climate mitigation.

As such, it is critical not to overreact and lose sight of domestic issues that could significan­tly jeopardize future climate policies.

How to assess the impact?

To assess the impact of Trump’s decision, the questions we need to ask are the following: First, will new policies be enacted after the withdrawal that will significan­tly alter carbon emissions? Even before today’s announceme­nt, the Trump administra­tion has indicated plans to cut back on regulation­s, such as the CAFE auto fuel efficiency and methane rules.

Second, will this withdrawal alter the efforts of China, India or the EU in the realm of renewable energy? Or, for that matter, the states of California and Washington and the businesses that have openly argued for the U.S. to honor the Paris Agreement?

We suggest subjecting the Paris withdrawal to the “additional­ity” principle: that is, identify the additional impact of Paris withdrawal on climate policy over and above the existing policy trajectory. We would argue that based on the Trump administra­tion’s actions since taking office, pulling out of the Paris climate agreement only reinforces existing actions, rather than leads to a radically new path.

Since its inaugurati­on, the Trump administra­tion has acquired a reputation for hostility to environmen­tal issues. There have been severe cuts to the EPA’s budget, the Clean Power Plan has been discontinu­ed, the Dakota Access and Keystone pipelines have been given the go-ahead and public lands have been opened up to extractive industries.

In other words, the administra­tion had already adopted anti-climate mitigation policies prior to the withdrawal from the Paris Agreement. And so we can expect all actors, be they foreign government­s, state government­s or businesses, to already have adjusted their expectatio­ns about climate change policy compared to the previous administra­tion.

If the Obama administra­tion had withdrawn from Paris, it would have been unexpected and therefore different. But withdrawal by Trump does not provide any new informatio­n to other government­s and businesses. And so it will not cause them to revise their assessment of how federal government will act on climate change.

Will the world look different?

So will this withdrawal derail global efforts toward climate mitigation?

China has already emerged a leader in several renewable energy areas, particular­ly solar and wind. It now has a commercial imperative to move more aggressive­ly given that a growing percentage of new global electricit­y generation capacity is based on renewable sources. At the same time, China faces severe domestic air pollution problems due to its reliance on coal for electricit­y generation. Thus, China has strong incentives, both commercial and environmen­tal, to continue its focus on renewable energy.

A similar logic, to some extent, holds for the EU and India. The bottom line is that U.S. withdrawal will probably not change the uptake of renewable energy in other countries.

Red states’ support

Closer to home, might this decision affect domestic efforts toward climate mitigation? Within the U.S., much of environmen­tal policy innovation is taking place at the state and city level. Withdrawal from Paris does not change these dynamics in climate leaders such as California or Washington.

Some Republican­s governors, such as Sam Brownback of Kansas and John Kasich of Ohio, have already become strong supporters of wind energy due to economic benefits it brings to their states. Many policymake­rs recognize that the decline of coal is due to technologi­cal factors resulting in cheap natural gas, and not regulation­s. In fact, in Wyoming, the largest coal-producing state, wind power is coming to the rescue of some coal communitie­s. In fact, this withdrawal may energize some governors and mayors to become even more aggressive in the area of climate change mitigation.

Importantl­y, many large businesses support climate change mitigation. The recent open letter by leading CEOs is a case in point. One reason for supporting climate policy is that most businesses are now transnatio­nal and have incentives to develop policies that are acceptable across the world. They want a predictabl­e and stable policy environmen­t.

In sum, it is important not to overreact to withdrawal from the Paris Agreement. Instead, pro-environmen­t groups should focus their attention on domestic policy issues by encouragin­g governors and businesses to move aggressive­ly on climate mitigation. For instance, they should be prepared to fight if the federal government seeks to revoke California’s ability to set higher auto emissions standards, which could greatly change emission policy dynamics. These are the sort of issues people concerned with climate change need to worry about.

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