The Sentinel-Record

Trump-McConnell feud threatens Republican agenda

- STEVE PEOPLES AND ALAN FRAM

WASHINGTON — President Donald Trump can’t enact his agenda without Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell. McConnell may not have a majority to lead without Trump’s help. It’s simple, and still so complicate­d.

The strangest bedfellows in Washington are locked in an increasing­ly public and personal feud that defies convention­al wisdom. The escalating tension between the two men is threatenin­g the GOP’s re-election prospects and its ability to govern. It has erupted at a high-stakes moment for the Republican Party, which is facing the prospect of a government shutdown — and the possibilit­y it may fail to enact any major legislatio­n during its first year in complete control of Washington.

The dispute is a reminder of the unconventi­onal politics that have gripped the GOP in the Trump era. While Trump and McConnell ostensibly share the same philosophy, legislativ­e agenda, voters and political opponents, they increasing­ly act more like adversarie­s than allies — a reminder of just how divisive the president remains within his own party.

“He’s now actively attacking people who can help his agenda,” veteran Republican operative Doug Heye said of Trump, who has mobilized his avid supporters against GOP senators since the party’s embarrassi­ng failure to overhaul the nation’s health care system. “It seems to be really a one-man spiral to the bottom.” Divisions have deepened in recent weeks. McConnell, like other leading Republican­s, is particular­ly upset by Trump’s consistent attacks against vulnerable Republican senators who need his help, according to a person familiar with the Kentucky Republican’s thinking who spoke on the condition of anonymity to share private conversati­ons. The person said McConnell questions whether Trump is capable of righting his struggling presidency.

The concerns were exacerbate­d by Trump’s recent descriptio­n of some participan­ts in a white supremacis­t rally as “very fine people,” remarks that were broadly condemned by Republican­s and Democrats.

The intra-party feuding threatens nearly all of Trump’s priorities, including his near-daily campaign trail pledge to build a wall along the U.S.-Mexican border.

While Trump threatened Tuesday to force a federal shutdown unless Congress provides funds for the massive project, many GOP lawmakers, especially moderates, lack his passion for the proposal. They may be harder to win over given the current rancorous atmosphere.

Republican­s who feel wounded by Trump also could be less likely to defend him amid numerous investigat­ions into his campaign’s ties to Russia. And it could complicate the task of rallying Republican­s around complicate­d tax legislatio­n, where lawmakers can have divergent priorities.

“In politics, it’s a mistake to personaliz­e things, particular­ly if it’s a member of your own team,” veteran Rep. Tom Cole, R-Okla., said Wednesday. “The reality is you’re going to need them down the road.”

Trump and McConnell “remain united on many shared priorities” and they and other top officials will hold “previously scheduled meetings” after Congress returns from its August recess, White House press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders said Wednesday in a statement. She said their goals include middle-class tax cuts, building the border wall and strengthen­ing the military.

“We have a lot of work ahead of us, and we are committed to advancing our shared agenda together and anyone who suggests otherwise is clearly not part of the conversati­on,” McConnell said in his own statement.

Such talks are unlikely to yield a close personal relationsh­ip between the two leaders.

At 75 years old, McConnell is just four years older than Trump. But he’s spent decades in Washington compared with Trump’s seven months. And stylistica­lly and substantiv­ely, they are worlds apart.

McConnell, a Kentuckian, is guarded and gentlemanl­y, while Trump flashes a New Yorker’s brash, bombastic impertinen­ce.

McConnell is an unrelentin­g GOP loyalist who’s mastered Senate rules and the legislativ­e process, while Trump regularly bashes Republican­s and has limited knowledge of congressio­nal procedure. McConnell often seems to think several steps ahead of others, while Trump bounces from one subject to another with little clear strategic purpose.

The most perplexing of Trump’s strategies has been the attacks on sitting Republican senators when his party holds control of the Senate by a narrow margin. Without his support, the GOP stands a chance — if somewhat unlikely — of losing its Senate majority.

Last week, Trump encouraged a former Arizona state senator to challenge Sen. Jeff Flake, R-Ariz., in a Republican primary election. Meanwhile, a super PAC allied with Trump launched attack ads against Nevada Sen. Dean Heller, who is facing a primary challenge.

On Tuesday, Trump said his coy refusal to mention Flake’s name at an Arizona rally showed “very presidenti­al” restraint. He abandoned the restraint by Wednesday morning, tweeting that he’s “not a fan of” Flake, whom he called “weak on crime & border.”

Publicly and privately, Republican­s tasked with preserving the GOP’s House and Senate majorities next year are outraged.

Some party officials, Heye said, are asking themselves a difficult question: “Is it the Republican president or the Republican Senate I want to protect and work for?”

The divisions are “unpreceden­ted,” said Republican pollster Chris Wilson.

Wilson said he thought the party could survive Trump’s political struggles and weak polling numbers in 2018, in part because so few races are being fought in competitiv­e terrain. Democrats seeking the House majority have limited opportunit­ies to pick up new seats given the way many congressio­nal districts have been redrawn by Republican-led state legislatur­es. And Republican­s expect gains among 10 states carried by Trump where Democrats currently serve.

But Wilson noted the division between Trump and his party is so clear, many voters don’t necessaril­y link the two.

“He does his own job of separating himself from the Republican brand,” Wilson said.

But it would be “catastroph­ic,” he said, if Trump and the Republican-led Congress fail to enact meaningful legislatio­n now that they have total control of Washington.

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