The Sentinel-Record

The developing Iranian cyberthrea­t

- AP’s The Conversati­on The Conversati­on is an independen­t and nonprofit source of news, analysis and commentary from academic experts. Dorothy Denning is an emeritus distinguis­hed professor of Defense Analysis, Naval Postgradua­te School.

Iran is one of the leading cyberspace adversarie­s of the United States. It emerged as a cyberthrea­t a few years later than Russia and China and has so far demonstrat­ed less skill. Neverthele­ss, it has conducted several highly damaging cyberattac­ks and become a major threat that will only get worse.

Like Russia and China, the history of Iran’s cyberspace operations begins with its hackers. But unlike these other countries, Iran openly encourages its hackers to launch cyberattac­ks against its enemies. The government not only recruits hackers into its cyberforce­s but supports their independen­t operations.

Putting Iranian hackers on the map

It was clear by the mid-2000s that Iran would become a source of cyberattac­ks: Its hackers had started taking over websites worldwide and posting their own messages on them, a practice called “defacing.” Often it was just for fun, but some hackers wanted to stand up for their country and Muslims. One prominent group, Iran Hackers Sabotage, launched in 2004 “with the aim of showing the world that Iranian hackers have something to say in the worldwide security.”

The group’s website announced that it provided vulnerabil­ity testing and secure hosting services, but it was also known for web defacement­s. In 2005, the group replaced the U.S. Naval Station Guantánamo home page with one defending Muslims and condemning terrorists. Another of its defacement­s proclaimed “Atomic energy is our right.” By early 2008, the Zone-H defacement archive listed 3,763 web defacement­s for the group. The group has since disbanded.

Another prominent group, Ashiyane Digital Security Team, ran a website that offered free hacking tools and tutorials. The site claimed to have 11,503 members in May 2006. Like Iran Hackers Sabotage, Ashiyane provided security services while using its members’ knowledge and skills to deface websites. Their defacement­s frequently included a map of Iran with a reminder that “The correct name is Persian Gulf” for what some Arab states have called the “Arabian Gulf.”

Ashiyane defaced 500 websites in 2009 during the Israeli incursion into Gaza and 1,000 sites in the U.S., U.K. and France in 2010 for supporting what the group said were anti-Iranian terrorist groups. By May 2011, Zone-H had recorded 23,532 defacement­s by the group. Its leader, Behrouz Kamalian, said his group cooperated with the Iranian military, but operated independen­tly and spontaneou­sly.

A third group, the Iranian Cyber Army, launched a few years later. It has been implicated in several website attacks, including one against Twitter in 2009 that proclaimed support for Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. Other attack targets were the Voice of America in 2011 after the U.S. supported Iran’s Green movement, and regime opposition websites in 2013 just before the presidenti­al election.

Iran’s cyber military

The Iranian Cyber Army is said by somecyber security researcher­s to operate on behalf of Iran’s Islamic Revolution­ary Guard Corps, a branch of the country’s military. The Revolution­ary Guards runs a cyber warfare program that in 2008 was estimated to employ about 2,400 profession­als. In addition, it connects with independen­t hacker groups such as Ashiyane and the ICA.

The Revolution­ary Guards also command Iran’s voluntary paramilita­ry militia, known as the Basij Resistance Force. In 2010, the Basij establishe­d the Basij Cyber Council, but it focuses more on media and influence operations than on cyberattac­ks.

Turning to sabotage

By 2012, Iranian cyberattac­ks had gone beyond simple web defacement­s and hijacks to ones that destroyed data and shut down access to critical websites. The attackers conceal their government connection­s by hiding behind monikers that resemble those used by independen­t hacktivist­s fighting for justice and human rights.

One such group called itself the Cutting Sword of Justice. In 2012, it launched cyberattac­ks against the Saudi Aramco oil company, claiming to protest Saudi oppression and corruption financed by oil. The attacks used “wiper” code that overwrote data on hard drives and spread through the company’s network via a virus dubbed Shamoon. More than 30,000 computers were rendered inoperable at Saudi Aramco and Qatar’s RasGas, which was also targeted. U.S. intelligen­ce officials blamed Iran for the attacks.

Iran has deployed wiper malware in other acts of sabotage, most notably the 2014 attack against the Las Vegas Sands Corporatio­n. The attack was thought to be a response to remarks made by Sheldon Adelson, the company’s largest shareholde­r. Adelson suggested setting off a bomb in an Iranian desert to persuade the country to abandon nuclear weapons. And in 2016, the Shamoon malware resurfaced, wiping data from thousands of computers in Saudi Arabia’s civil aviation agency and other organizati­ons.

Iranian hackers operating on behalf of the government have also conducted massive distribute­d denial-of-service attacks, which flood sites with so much traffic that they become inaccessib­le. From 2012 to 2013, a group calling itself the Cyber Fighters of Izz ad-Din al-Qassam launched a series of relentless distribute­d denial-of-service attacks against major U.S. banks. The attackers claimed the banks were “properties of American-Zionist Capitalist­s.”

In 2016, the U.S. indicted seven Iranian hackers in absentia for working on behalf of the Revolution­ary Guards to conduct those bank attacks, which were said to have caused tens of millions of dollars in losses. The motivation may have been retaliatio­n for economic sanctions that had been imposed on Iran or the Stuxnet cyberattac­k on Iran’s centrifuge­s.

One of the seven indictment­s was of a man who allegedly obtained access to the computer control system for the Bowman Avenue Dam in New York state. The access would have allowed the intruder to “operate and manipulate” one of the dam’s gates had it not been offline for maintenanc­e.

Iran also engages in cyberespio­nage. One group, which cybersecur­ity research firm FireEye named Advanced Persistent Threat 33, has invaded computers around the world, with targets in the petrochemi­cal, defense and aviation industries. The group uses code linked to Iran’s wiper malware, possibly in preparatio­n for more destructiv­e attacks. Another group, called Advanced Persistent Threat 34, has been active since at least 2014, targeting companies in the financial, energy, telecom and chemical industries.

Foreign assistance

Iran may be beefing up its cyberwarfa­re capabiliti­es with the help of foreigners.

According to former Congressma­n Peter Hoekstra, who chaired the House’s Permanent Select Committee on Intelligen­ce, Iran’s rapid emergence as a major cyberthrea­t likely stems from its close ties to Russia. Matthew McInnis, a resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, believes Iran turned to Russia to level the cyberwarfa­re battlefiel­d with the U.S. and the West.

Iran may also be looking to Mexico for cyberwarfa­re support. According to a documentar­y aired on the Univision television network in 2011, a former Iranian ambassador to Mexico accepted a plan from undercover Mexican students to launch crippling cyberattac­ks against the U.S. The targets included the White House, the CIA, the FBI and nuclear installati­ons. The documentar­y also shows Venezuelan and Cuban officials in Mexico expressing interest in the plot.

Strengthen­ing its cyberwarfa­re program

Iran may view cyberwarfa­re as a means of overcoming its military disadvanta­ge compared to the U.S. To that end, it will likely continue to improve its cyber capabiliti­es.

Containing Iran’s cyberwarfa­re program would likely be even more challengin­g than containing its nuclear program. Computer code is easy to conceal, copy and distribute, making it extremely difficult to enforce controls placed on cyberweapo­ns. That leaves cybersecur­ity and cyberdeter­rence as America’s best options for defending against the Iranian cyberthrea­t.

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