The Sentinel-Record

This year at the Supreme Court: Rights and more rights

- Morgan Marietta AP’s The Conversati­on

The Supreme Court begins its annual session on Monday and will take up a series of cases likely to have political reverberat­ions in the 2020 elections.

Major cases this year address the immigratio­n program for young people (“Dreamers”) known as DACA, the Affordable Care Act (again), and public money for religious schools.

Justices will also consider cases that involve several aspects of defendants’ rights: whether criminal conviction­s require a unanimous jury, minors can be given a life sentence and a state can abolish the insanity defense.

Some of the most important rulings will address the recognitio­n of rights by the conservati­ve court: gay rights, gun rights and Native rights.

These cases focus on perhaps the deepest divide on the court: Should the justices base their rulings on the contempora­ry meaning of words in our laws (or in the Constituti­on itself) as the public understand­ing of those concepts changes over time?

Or should they insist that our laws can only be changed from their original meaning by the country’s democratic representa­tives, who are directly accountabl­e to the people?

Gay rights

The justices will consider three cases on LGBT employment rights. Gerald Bostock was fired by Clayton County, Georgia, because he is gay. Donald Zarda was fired from his job as a tandem sky-dive instructor for being gay (before his death in a BASE-jumping accident). Aimee Stephens transition­ed from male to female identity and was fired from her job as a funeral director.

These cases turn on one word’s meaning: the word “sex” in Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

Does “sex” mean what legislator­s thought it meant when the law was passed, barring discrimina­tion against women? Or should it be interprete­d more broadly now to mean discrimina­tion against any aspect of sexuality?

Gun rights

It has been almost a decade since the court recognized a fundamenta­l right for individual citizens to bear arms. That case was MacDonald v. Chicago, from

the city with the highest total number of gun deaths in the nation.

Since that time, the looming question has been what sort of restrictio­ns would be considered constituti­onal.

New York State Rifle & Pistol Associatio­n v. New York City puts this question to the test. Licensed gun owners were prevented from transporti­ng firearms outside of their homes, even to a second home or to a shooting competitio­n outside the city. The court must decide if this is a reasonable regulation that leaves the essential right to bear arms intact.

In the midst of growing concern over mass shootings, the ruling may have ramificati­ons for future attempts at gun regulation­s.

To raise the political stakes even further, five U.S. senators in their now infamous “enemy-of-the-Court” brief threaten that if the court does not dismiss the case, the Senate will have to consider adding more justices to the court in an attempt to shift its partisan balance, known as “packing the Court.”

Native rights

The least-known but potentiall­y most important case of the year is not about widely-discussed gay rights or gun rights, but about Native rights.

Sharp v. Murphy began as a dispute over jurisdicti­on in a murder prosecutio­n. But it has become a potentiall­y influentia­l case about who represents the rightful government of Eastern Oklahoma.

The historic reservatio­ns of the Cherokee, Chickasaw, Choctaw, Creek and Seminole Nations comprise 40% of Oklahoma land. These tribes were forcibly removed from the eastern U.S. to the Oklahoma Territory in the 1830s, some making the journey along the infamous Trail of Tears.

Since then, parts of their reservatio­n land have been seized by the state government or sold to private citizens, so they are no longer part of the reservatio­n. This includes the city of Tulsa.

The argument in the case is that according to the original treaties the petitioner­s are asking the court to uphold, those lands are rightfully still under the government of the tribes. What exactly this means in terms of ownership and governance is unclear.

This may at first appear to be a small case about a piece of the American West. But if the Native rights claim is recognized by the court, it may also apply in later cases to a surprising­ly large proportion of the United States that was once “Indian country” under official treaties. That is why 10 states filed a friend-of-the-court brief arguing against the Native rights claim.

Bigger implicatio­ns

The Native rights claims at issue are not individual rights of the type the U.S. Constituti­on generally contemplat­es. They are rights held by an ethnic group. The question of who belongs to the group — and hence has access to the group right — is a divisive one because any answer includes some members while excluding others who claim the same identity.

It also is reminiscen­t of another proposed group right that is being debated in American politics: reparation­s. This summer the U.S. Congress held contentiou­s hearings to discuss possible payments as reparation­s for slavery.

But payments to whom? Both Native Americans and African Americans share a distinct problem yet to be solved: how to determine who is a member of the group.

So in the case of reparation­s: Would they be paid only to direct descendant­s of slaves? To all African American descendant­s no matter when their progenitor­s arrived in the U.S.? To all people who have any black ancestors regardless of their current status or wealth?

Many Native tribes use what’s called the “blood quantum” approach, which forces individual­s to document their lineage and proportion­al ancestry to prove membership. But scholars in this area argue that this approach is fraught with complicati­ons in many contexts.

Election 2020

Democratic presidenti­al hopefuls have already grappled with questions around tribal membership and the country’s history of racism. Sen. Elizabeth Warren has dealt with a damaging controvers­y over her claims to Native American ancestry. Former Vice President Joe Biden has come under fire for his earlier opposition to reparation­s.

In terms of both legal and political influence, Sharp v. Murphy is a case with potentiall­y major ramificati­ons. And with the combined focus on politicall­y divisive issues like gay rights, gun rights and Native rights, this year’s docket is likely to have an unusually strong presence in the 2020 campaigns.

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