The Sentinel-Record

Mexico’s modest step to de-escalate drug war

- Luis Gómez Romero

Mexico’s lower house of Congress in March handily approved a bill to legalize the recreation­al use of cannabis. The bill is now with the Senate, where it is likely to pass, as Mexican senators have previously voted to legalize cannabis.

If that happens, Mexico will join Uruguay and Canada in allowing people to use cannabis recreation­ally, albeit in more limited fashion.

Mexico’s bill would not outright legalize cannabis; it would raise the country’s existing threshold of nonpunisha­ble personal possession from 5 grams to 28 grams. Possession of 29 to 200 grams of cannabis would result in a fine. After that, prison would still be a possibilit­y.

Selling cannabis will still be a crime, meaning peasant farmers in the states of Sinaloa, Chihuahua, Durango or Michoacán who make a pittance growing cannabis can still end up in jail.

However modest, marijuana legalizati­on would be a symbolic milestone for Mexico, a country immersed in an unforgivin­g drug war.

According to a 2016 study by the Mexican Senate, Mexican cartels made up to $2 trillion from cannabis sales in the U.S. — between 15% and 26% of their total income. However, as more U.S. states make cannabis legal — most recently, New York — the drug’s importance to the cartels has drasticall­y decreased.

Yet the criminaliz­ation of cannabis keeps Mexico’s penitentia­ry system bloated. In 2018, 37,701 adults and 3,072 teenagers were accused of “narcomenud­eo” — low-level drug dealing. Of those indicted on that charge, 60% of adults and 94% of teenagers were arrested with between 5 and 100 grams of cannabis — not caught in the act of selling.

Even under current Mexican law, these people should not have been detained unless they had committed other crimes or behaved violently.

The legalizati­on bill should finally end that type of arrest. But it contains several provisions that undermine its intended effect of protecting vulnerable consumers and small-scale growers, as congresswo­men Laura Rojas and Lucía Riojas explained when critiquing the new bill.

For example, it authorizes individual­s to grow cannabis for their own consumptio­n — up to six plants per adult, or eight per household. However, growers must obtain a permit from the National Council on Addictions.

Riojas, who made headlines in 2019 when she offered a rolled joint to Mexico’s new interior minister, said that rule perpetuate­s the social stigma on consumers.

The bill also grants officials authority, without a warrant, to enter the residence of a cannabis grower to verify compliance with the law. That may lead some people who currently grow cannabis illegally at home to avoid registerin­g, preferring their clandestin­e tranquilli­ty over invasive home inspection­s.

Such provisions have tempered the celebratio­ns of the activists and academics who have for years intensely lobbied legislator­s to end Mexico’s cannabis ban for human rights reasons.

In 2013, four board members of the drug policy nonprofit Mexico

United Against Crime challenged the prohibitio­n of cannabis before the Mexican Supreme Court. The plaintiffs claimed that Mexico’s cannabis ban violated their constituti­onally guaranteed rights, including the right to make decisions about their personal health.

Filing what’s known as an “amparo” — a Mexican legal mechanism that allows citizens to defend their own constituti­onal rights — they argued in court that adults should be able to grow marijuana at home, and use it appropriat­ely.

In 2015, the Supreme Court agreed, ruling that Mexico’s total cannabis ban was unconstitu­tional. Justice Arturo Zaldívar Lelo de Larrea noted in this landmark decision that the Mexican Constituti­on “does not impose an ideal of human excellence” but “allows each individual to choose their own life plan … as long as it does not affect others.”

Because the outcome of an amparo trial applies only to the petitioner, nobody beyond the handful of SMART members could grow marijuana or possess over 5 grams of weed at home. But the decision led to a groundswel­l of similar amparo cases, and the courts repeatedly ruled in the petitioner­s’ favor.

Finally, in 2018, the Supreme Court-mandated Congress to end the “unconstitu­tional” prohibitio­n of cannabis.

Given the complexity of this matter and the COVID-19 pandemic, the Supreme Court has granted Congress several extensions to comply with this mandate, but the court’s final deadline expires on April 30. That means Mexico’s cannabis ban will be annulled on that date, even if the new regulation law has not taken effect.

Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has presented the cannabis bill as a victory of his political party, Morena.

But López Obrador’s views on cannabis have been ambiguous and erratic. Over his long political career, he has frequently voiced his willingnes­s to “debate” legalizati­on but never explicitly committed to do it.

López Obrador ran for president in 2018 as a progressiv­e who would “transform” and “pacify” Mexico, including by rethinking its drug policies. But as recently as February 2020, he declared he would support only medical cannabis, not recreation­al.

López Obrador has also largely continued the drug war of his predecesso­rs. In 2006, former Mexican President Felipe Calderón deployed the military to quell the drug trade. Unbridled violence followed as soldiers battled the cartels and, increasing­ly, any citizen perceived as a threat — including people who use drugs.

López Obrador recently extended the armed forces’ deployment as law enforcemen­t until 2024.

Over the past 15 years, drug cartels and organized crime in Mexico have killed an estimated 150,000 people, representi­ng about half of all Mexico’s homicides during that period. Another 73,000 people have disappeare­d.

Ultimately, this bloody history gave rise to cannabis legalizati­on in Mexico — a small yet meaningful step toward de-escalating its war on drugs.

Luis Gómez Romero is a senior lecturer in Human Rights, Constituti­onal Law and Legal Theory, University of Wollongong. The Conversati­on is an independen­t and nonprofit source of news, analysis and commentary from academic experts.

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