The Sentinel-Record

States diverge on police reforms after George Floyd killing

- COLLEEN SLEVIN Associated Press writers Melinda Deslatte in Baton Rouge, Louisiana; Steve Karnowski in St. Paul, Minnesota; Sean Murphy in Oklahoma City; Gary D. Robertson in Raleigh, North Carolina; Don Thompson in Sacramento, California; and Andrew Wels

DENVER — Maryland repealed its half-century-old Law Enforcemen­t Officers Bill of Rights. Washington state reformed use-of-force policies and created a new agency to investigat­e when officers use deadly force. And California overcame objections from police unions to make sure officers fired in one jurisdicti­on couldn’t be hired in another.

Those are some of the far-reaching policing changes passed this year in response to the 2020 killing of George Floyd in Minneapoli­s. But the first full year of state legislativ­e sessions since his death sparked a summer of racial justice protests produced a far more mixed response in the rest of the country.

A number of states implemente­d incrementa­l reforms, such as banning chokeholds or tightening rules around use of body cameras, while several Republican-led states responded by granting police even greater authority and passing laws that cracked down on protesters.

The state action on both sides of the debate came as Congress failed to implement policing reforms aimed at boosting officer accountabi­lity. The George Floyd Justice in Policing Act passed the U.S. House without a single Republican vote and then collapsed in the evenly divided Senate.

Jim Pasco, executive director of the Fraternal Order of Police, which represents more than 356,000 law enforcemen­t officers, said he thinks it’s still possible for Congress to pass police reform, but perhaps only after another deadly case captures the nation’s attention.

“Sadly, the only thing we know for sure, it will be a tragedy that will precipitat­e change,” Pasco said.

He said the trend of states passing their own policing measures depending on their politics is creating more divisions in an already fractured country.

Partisan leanings were in play in Maryland, which 50 years ago became the first state to pass an officers’ bill of rights that provided job protection­s in the police disciplina­ry process, measures that eventually spread to about 20 other states. This year, it became the first to repeal those rights after lawmakers in the Democratic-controlled General Assembly overrode the veto of Republican Gov. Larry Hogan.

They replaced the bill of rights with new procedures that give civilians a role in police discipline. Democratic lawmakers also united to pass other reforms over Hogan’s objections or without his signature, including expanding public access to police disciplina­ry records and creating a unit in the state attorney general’s office to investigat­e police-involved deaths.

“Other states can use this legislatio­n as a blueprint for creating meaningful police reform,” said Rashawn Ray, a senior fellow at The Brookings Institute.

In Washington state, an ambitious series of reforms will ban police from using chokeholds and no-knock warrants, create a new state agency to investigat­e police use of deadly force and change the threshold for when officers can use force. Some law enforcemen­t officials have said they are not clear about what they’re required to do, which has led to discrepanc­ies about how to respond to certain situations.

California created a statewide certificat­ion system for officers, in part to prevent police fired in one jurisdicti­on from getting a job somewhere else. The bill stalled in the legislatur­e last year and struggled to gain support again this year in the face of opposition from police unions. It passed after it was amended to allow for the option of an officer’s license being suspended as a lesser punishment and to include other safeguards.

“This is not an anti-police bill. This is an accountabi­lity bill,” said Democratic state Assemblywo­man Akilah Weber, who carried the legislatio­n in that chamber. “Without any accountabi­lity, we lose the integrity of the badge, and the bond with the community is broken.”

California also required the state attorney general’s office to investigat­e all fatal shootings by police of unarmed civilians, specified when officers have a duty to intervene to prevent or report excessive force, and increased the minimum age to become a police officer from 18 to 21.

The state reform bills passed in 2021 are important because they help promote accountabi­lity for police, which can shift officer behavior as long as the changes are enforced, said Puneet Cheema, manager of the Justice in Public Safety Project at the NAACP Legal Defense and Educationa­l Fund.

To try to prevent violent encounters with the police in the first place, she said government­s need to limit what police are asked to do — such as whether or not they should respond to people experienci­ng a mental health crisis or make certain traffic stops.

“That is a longer-term shift that will lead to the broadest changes in police violence and the role that police play in people’s lives,” Cheema said.

Even some states with divided government­s were able to agree on certain reforms.

In Kentucky, Gov. Andy Beshear, a Democrat, signed a partial ban on noknock warrants approved by the Legislatur­e, where Republican­s hold veto-proof supermajor­ities. The bill was passed after months of demonstrat­ions over the fatal shooting of Breonna Taylor in her Louisville home during a botched police raid last year. It permits no-knock warrants if there is “clear and convincing evidence” that the crime being investigat­ed “would qualify a person, if convicted, as a violent offender.”

Many protesters and some Democratic lawmakers had sought a full ban, but the law does prevent cities and towns from banning the warrants completely.

North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper, a Democrat, signed a bill passed by the Republican-led legislatur­e that creates a public database where anyone can check whether an officer’s certificat­ion has been suspended or revoked. It also creates another confidenti­al database showing cases in which an officer kills or seriously injures someone that is only accessible to law enforcemen­t agencies.

In Louisiana, the Democratic governor and lawmakers in the Republican-controlled Legislatur­e placed new restrictio­ns on the use of chokeholds and no-knock warrants, required detailed policies for body camera and dash camera use, boosted law enforcemen­t agencies’ minority recruitmen­t efforts and required anti-bias training. They also agreed to require suspension or revocation of a police officer’s state certificat­ion if the officer committed misconduct.

Some states controlled fully by Republican­s moved in the opposition direction and expanded the rights of police officers or cracked down on protesters.

In Iowa, Republican Gov. Kim Reynolds introduced measures at the start of this year’s legislativ­e session to ban racial profiling by police and establish a system to track racial data for police stops. But lawmakers dropped those sections of her proposal and instead passed the Back the Blue Act, which Reynolds signed in June. The law makes it harder to sue and win monetary damages from police accused of misconduct, made rioting a felony and provides legal protection from lawsuits for the driver of a vehicle who might strike a protester.

Oklahoma Gov. Kevin Stitt signed a bill that increased penalties for blocking roadways and granting immunity to drivers who kill or injure rioters. It was prompted by an incident in Tulsa last year in which the driver of a pickup truck drove through a crowd gathered on an interstate as part of a protest against Floyd’s killing.

In Ohio, people attending a rally who are accused of violating an anti-riot law could be targeted with a provision normally used against terrorist activity under proposed GOP legislatio­n. Florida also passed a law cracking down on violent protests that had been championed by Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis, but a federal judge has blocked it from taking effect, calling the law “vague and overbroad.”

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