The Sun (San Bernardino)

Congress’ war on tech companies

- Veronique de Rugy Columnist Veronique de Rugy is the George Gibbs Chair in Political Economy and a senior research fellow at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University.

Always beware of the name given to a piece of legislatio­n. It rarely describes accurately the likely impact of enacting a bill. In fact, statutes often do the opposite of what their names suggest. Take Sen. Amy Klobuchar’s, DMinnesota, proposed legislatio­n named the American Innovation and Choice Online Act. While everyone likes more choice and innovation, this bill would hinder both as it imposes high costs on consumers. In fact, a more apt name for Klobuchar’s bill would be the Anti-Consumer and Stagnation Act of 2022.

Born out of the recent eagerness to expand antitrust regulation, the bill would empower government bureaucrat­s at the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and the Department of Justice (DOJ) to bridle the economy’s thriving technology sector with regulation­s and mandates aimed at making “big” companies smaller regardless of how well a “big” firm is serving consumers. The economics of this idea are all wrong.

The targets of these legislativ­e efforts are some of the most successful companies in our nation’s history, including Apple, Google, Facebook, Amazon and Microsoft. Klobuchar and company want to break these entreprene­urial successes into smaller companies,

Sen. Amy Klobuchar, D-Minn., shown in 2021, has a proposed bill called the American Innovation and Choice Online Act.

all without regard to the benefits consumers reap from vertical integratio­n. Vertical integratio­n is when a company owns multiples stages of production. In competing for customers, firms buy — or sell — different stages to achieve maximum possible efficienci­es. To put this reality into perspectiv­e, popular services such as Amazon Prime and Google Maps are products of vertical integratio­n and would be prohibited under the new legislatio­n.

You don’t have to believe that the market produces perfect outcomes to understand that government can rarely outperform private enterprise. Political decisions aren’t driven by any market signals, profit motive or consumer

preference­s. These decisions are inherently political, suffer from a serious knowledge problem and are mostly untied to any accountabi­lity regimes when they fail. Government often proves to be biased against large, successful companies who provide new technology that legislator­s often don’t understand well but consumers love. This is why government so often fails, and this policy is no exception.

Active antitrust interventi­on has support from elements of both parties, but for all the wrong reasons. Progressiv­es push for interventi­on out of sheer distaste for free markets, generating an instinctiv­e itch to subject companies to the power of government rather than to consumer preference­s. Some nationalis­t conservati­ves, in contrast, are angry with a perceived discrimina­tion by “Big Tech” against conservati­ves. These conservati­ves misinterpr­et their anger as sufficient reason to lash out at successful tech companies. Any elected official who favors small government and respects free markets should staunchly resist these ideas.

The cost to consumers from this bill would be devastatin­g. An October 2021 study by NERA Economic Consulting estimates that such a proposal will cost consumers $300 billion because it subjects “online platforms and marketplac­es to common carrier, structural separation, and line of business restrictio­ns.”

It’s bad economic policy to empower federal bureaucrat­s to second-guess the markettest­ed decision-making processes of some of the most successful companies in history. In fact, it is the lack of heavyhande­d regulation in the U.S. tech sector that has resulted in unpreceden­ted economic growth and higher standards of living for nearly all of us. We should be suspicious of those in Congress who claim they can do better by destroying what works well.

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TOM WILLIAMS — GETTY IMAGES/TNS
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